Πληροφορίες τοπωνυμίου

ΕΡΜΙΟΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
  Αναφέρει ο ιστορικός Στράβων για την πόλη που βρίσκεται στο νοτιοανατολικότερο άκρο της Αργολίδας και που η ιστορία της χάνεται στα βάθη των αιώνων.
  Χτισμένη και ξαναχτισμένη στο ίδιο μέρος, κατοικείται σχεδόν χωρίς διακοπή τουλάχιστον από το 3000π.Χ. Ο Ομηρος στις αναφορές του μεταξύ άλλων στην Ιλιάδα αναφέρει τη συμμετοχή της στον Τρωικό πόλεμο. Γνώρισε μεγάλη ακμή από τον 5ο αιώνα π.Χ. Στην ανάδειξή της σε σημαντική πόλη της αρχαιότητας συνετέλεσε - εκτός από τη γεωργία, τη ναυπηγική και την αλιεία- ο πλούτος στις ακτές της ενός μοναδικού είδους όστρακου, της πορφύρας. Οι Ερμιονείς με ειδική επεξεργασία αυτής παρήγαγαν το πορφυρό (κόκκινο χρώμα) που χρησιμοποιούσαν οι βασιλείς, μεταξύ αυτών και ο Μέγας Αλέξανδρος, ως βαφή των χιτώνων τους. Επιβεβαίωση του πλούτου της αποτελούν τα ευρήματα νομισμάτων από ασήμι και μπρούντζο που απεικονίζουν τη θεά της γεωργίας Δήμητρα, που χρονολογούνται το 550π.Χ. Την ακμή της επιβεβαιώνει η ύπαρξη πολλών μουσικών διδασκάλων ανάμεσα στους οποίους ο σπουδαίος διθυραμβιστής Λάσος, διδάσκαλος του Πίνδαρου.
  Στα χρόνια της ρωμαϊκής εποχής γνωρίζει μεγάλη άνθιση. Τελειοποιείται το υδραγωγείο το οποίο μετέφερε το νερό σε διάσπαρτες πελεκητές στο βράχο στέρνες και ύδρευε ολόκληρη την τότε πολυάριθμη πολιτεία. Ο περιηγητής Παυσανίας που την επισκέφθηκε το 2ο μ.Χ αιώνα περιγράφει με θαυμασμό τους πλούσιους ναούς, τις γιορτές, τους μουσικούς και κολυμβητικούς αγώνες που της έδιναν ξεχωριστή λαμπρότητα. Συνεχίζοντας την πορεία της στην ιστορία η Ερμιόνη έχει να παρουσιάσει δείγματα Βυζαντινής κυριαρχίας και ανάπτυξης.
  Στη Ν. Ανατολική πλευρά του σημερινού Δημαρχείου ανακαλύφθηκε μεγάλη παλαιοχριστιανική Τρίκλιτος Βασιλική Εκκλησία, με σπουδαία ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα, γεγονός που επισημαίνει την ύπαρξη πρώιμης χριστιανικής λατρείας και την επικράτηση αυτής σε όλη την περιοχή. Οχυρωμένη με τείχη κατασκευασμένα πάνω στα λείψανα αρχαίων κτισμάτων εμφανίζεται στα χρόνια της Φραγκοκρατίας η Ερμιόνη και παίρνει το όνομα “Καστρί”.
  Μετά από ισχυρή αντίσταση πέφτει στα χέρια των Τούρκων. Επιζεί στην Τουρκοκρατία χάρη στην ισχυρή ναυτιλία της και συμμετέχει με αξιόλογο σώμα Ερμιονιτών σε πολλές μάχες του απελευθερωτικού αγώνα.
Το κείμενο (απόσπασμα) παρατίθεται το Μάρτιο 2004 από τουριστικό φυλλάδιο του Δήμου Ερμιόνης.

ΙΣΘΜΟΣ ΚΟΡΙΝΘΟΥ (Ισθμός) ΛΟΥΤΡΑΚΙ ΠΕΡΑΧΩΡΑΣ
  Εκείνο που θα ξένιζε ένα σύγχρονο άνθρωπο αν αντίκριζε τον Ισθμό της Κορίνθου όπως η Φύση τον είχε παραδώσει στους προγόνους, θα ήταν σίγουρα ο κόπος και ο πόνος όσων επιθυμούσαν με ασφάλεια να συνεχίσουν τη ναυτική τους πορεία και γι' αυτό επιχειρούσαν να περάσουν από το Σαρωνικό στον Κορινθιακό κόλπο διασχίζοντας με τα πλοία τους την ξηρά, τον περίφημο "Δίολκο" της "διθάλασσης Κορίνθου".
  Αυτή η καθημερινή αγωνία συνέθετε εικόνες από κάτεργο, σε μια εποχή όπου ο άνθρωπος, αδύναμος εξαιτίας της νηπιακής κατάστασης της τεχνικής, προσπάθησε τουλάχιστον να χρησιμοποιήσει την ευστροφία και την επινοητικότητα του για να εκμεταλλευθεί το θείο δώρο, που σαν κουτί της Πανδώρας έπεσε στα πόδια του αλλά δεν μπορούσε να το χαρεί: Το στενό κομμάτι γης που ένωνε την Πελοπόννησο με τη Στερεά.
  Ευλογία και κατάρα μαζί.
  Βέβαια, η σκέψη να κοπεί ο Ισθμός απασχόλησε πολλούς, οι οποίοι αποφάσισαν να παραβλέψουν τα τεράστια τεχνικά εμπόδια και να κάνουν το παράδοξο, λογικό. Δεν αρκούσε όμως η βουλή του ανθρώπου για ένα τέτοιο έργο.
  602 π.Χ. - 44 π.Χ.
  Από μαρτυρίες αρχαίων συγγραφέων προκύπτει ότι ο πρώτος που σκέφθηκε την διάνοιξη του Ισθμού ήταν ο τύραννος της Κορίνθου Περίανδρος, ένας από τους επτά σοφούς της αρχαιότητας, γύρω στο 602 π.Χ. Γρήγορα όμως εγκατέλειψε το σχέδιό του, από το φόβο ότι θα προκαλούσε "την οργή των θεών", ύστερα από το χρησμό της Πυθίας που έλεγε "Ισθμόν δε μη πυργούτε μηδ' ορύσσετε. Ζευς γαρ έθηκε νήσον ή κ' εβούλετο". Το πιθανότερο είναι ότι ο χρησμός προκλήθηκε από τους ιερείς των διαφόρων ναών, που φοβήθηκαν ότι, διανοίγοντας τον Ισθμό, θα έχαναν τα πλούσια δώρα και αφιερώματα των εμπόρων, που δε θα είχαν πια λόγο να μένουν στη Κόρινθο. Ο βασικός όμως λόγος που ανάγκασε τον Περίανδρο να εγκαταλείψει το σχέδιό του δεν ήταν η θεϊκή οργή αυτή καθεαυτή, αλλά οι τεράστιες τεχνικές δυσκολίες εκτελέσεως του έργου και τα οικονομικά συμφέροντα της Κορίνθου, που επιθυμούσε να διατηρήσει την προνομιούχο θέση της ως "κλειδούχος" του διαμετακομιστικού εμπορίου της Μεσογείου. Αλλωστε, η συνέχιση του "περάσματος" των πλοίων δια της "Διόλκου" δεν παρουσίαζε ιδιαίτερα προβλήματα στην Κόρινθο, διότι τα τότε πλοία ήταν μικρών διαστάσεων (τριήρεις) και η μυϊκή δύναμη των δούλων και των ζώων της εποχής ήταν επαρκής για το σκοπό αυτό.
  Τρεις αιώνες μετά τον Περίανδρο. Το 307 π.Χ., ο Δημήτριος ο Πολιορκητής επιχείρησε να θέσει σε εφαρμογή το ίδιο σχέδιο τομής του Ισθμού, αλλά εγκατέλειψε την ιδέα, όταν οι Αιγύπτιοι μηχανικοί, που έφερε για αυτό το σκοπό, τον διαβεβαίωσαν ότι η διαφορά της στάθμης του Κορινθιακού από τον Σαρωνικό ήταν τέτοια που, με την τομή, τα νερά του Κορινθιακού που θα χύνονταν στον Σαρωνικό θα τον πλημμύριζαν, με συνέπεια την καταπόντιση της Αίγινας και των γειτονικών νησιών και ακτών.
  Κατά την Ρωμαϊκή εποχή, δηλαδή μετά από 2 ½ αιώνες, ο Ιούλιος Καίσαρ το 44 π.Χ. και ο Καλιγούλας το 37 π.Χ. κάνουν σχέδια τομής του Ισθμού, τα οποία όμως εγκαταλείφθηκαν για πολιτικούς και στρατιωτικούς λόγους.
  Στα σχέδια αυτά βασίσθηκε ο Νέρων, όταν αποφάσισε το 66 π.Χ. να πραγματοποιήσει το έργο. Οι εργασίες άρχισαν το 67 μ.Χ. και από τις δυο άκρες (Κορινθιακό - Σαρωνικό), και χρησιμοποιήθηκαν τότε χιλιάδες εργάτες, μεταξύ των οποίων 6.00 Εβραίοι κατάδικοι από την Γαλιλαία. Την έναρξη των εργασιών έκανε ο ίδιος ο αυτοκράτορας στις 28 Νοεμβρίου, δίδοντας το πρώτο χτύπημα στη γη του Ισθμού με χρυσή αξίνα.
  Οι εργασίες εκσκαφής είχαν προχωρήσει σε μήκος 3.300 μ., σταμάτησαν όμως, όταν ο Νέρων αναγκάστηκε να γυρίσει στη Ρώμη για να αντιμετωπίσει την εξέγερση του στρατηγού Γάλβα. Τελικά, με το θάνατο του Νέρωνα - που συνέβη λίγο μετά την επιστροφή - το έργο εγκαταλείφθηκε. Τότε κυκλοφόρησαν και διάφορες φήμες, ότι δήθεν, σκάβοντας τον Ισθμό, αναπήδησε ανθρώπινο αίμα, που ήταν, κατά την παράδοση, της μητέρας του Νέρωνα, την οποία είχε δολοφονήσει. Το πιθανότερο γι' αυτό το φαινόμενο είναι ότι τα υπόγεια νερά, περνώντας από διάφορα στρώματα, παίρνουν κόκκινη απόχρωση, αφού, και όταν ύστερα από χρόνια που προσπάθησαν οι Ενετοί να κόψουν τον Ισθμό, παρουσιάσθηκε το ίδιο φαινόμενο. Το πόσο σοβαρή και μελετημένη ήταν η προσπάθεια του Νέρωνα αποδεικνύεται και από το γεγονός ότι κατά την οριστική διάνοιξη της διώρυγας, στους νεότερους χρόνους, βρέθηκαν 26 δοκιμαστικά πηγάδια βάθους 10 μέτρων το καθένα και διάφοροι τάφροι της εποχής του. Μια ανάγλυφη πλάκα, που φαίνεται και σήμερα εντοιχισμένη στο πρανές της διώρυγας, κοντά στην Ποσειδωνία, στην πλευρά της Πελοποννήσου, αποδίδεται στην εποχή του Νέρωνα.
  Μετά τον Νέρωνα, ο Ηρώδης ο Αττικός προσπάθησε να διανοίξει τη διώρυγα, αλλά οι προσπάθειες του, όσο και των βυζαντινών αργότερα, σταμάτησαν αμέσως.
  Μετά από αιώνες, οι Ενετοί προσπάθησαν να διανοίξουν τον Ισθμό ξεκινώντας τις εκσκαφές του από τον Κορινθιακό αυτή τη φορά. Οι μεγάλες όμως δυσκολίες που συνάντησαν - και οι οποίες μεταφράστηκαν από τη λαϊκή αντίληψη ως "κακά σημάδια" - οδήγησαν σχεδόν αμέσως στη διακοπή των εργασιών.
  1830 μ.Χ. - 1893 μ.Χ
  Όταν ο κόσμος και η φύση άρχισαν να παραδίνονται αμαχητί στα χέρια του ανθρώπου, ο οποίος είχε καταφέρει με την αλματώδη ανάπτυξη στο χώρο της τεχνικής και της επιστήμης να αποκτήσει ανεπίγνωστη δύναμη, η διάνοιξη του Ισθμού φάνταζε πρόσκληση σε μονομαχία τρομερή της Φύσης και του Ανθρώπινου νου.
  Και πάλι όμως η πρόκληση ήταν ιδιαίτερα μεγάλη για μια Ελλάδα που μόλις είχε ξεφύγει από την Οθωμανική κυριαρχία. Οι τεράστιες οικονομικές δαπάνες που προαπαιτούνταν για τη διόρυξη του Ισθμού ήταν μάλλον απαγορευτικές και έτσι ο εμπνευστής μιας ανάλογης πρωτοποριακής μελέτης, ο Κυβερνήτης Καποδίστριας, εγκατέλειψε αυτή του την προσπάθεια. Την ίδια τύχη είχαν και άλλα σχέδια ή μελέτες που υποβάλλονταν κατά καιρούς στο Ελληνικό Κράτος, αλλά για διάφορους λόγους κρίνονταν ανεδαφικές και απορρίπτονταν.
  Ήδη, βέβαια, κάπου αλλού οι προκλήσεις της Φύσης είχαν γίνει αποδεκτές και προσδιόριζαν με νέα μέτρα τις σχέσεις του ανθρώπου με το περιβάλλον του. Η έναρξη λειτουργίας της Διώρυγας του Σουέζ (1869) είχε δημιουργήσει νέους ορίζοντες για την εξέλιξη των συγκοινωνιών στη Μεσόγειο.
  Αυτό το γεγονός μάλλον κίνησε πιο γρήγορα τους μοχλούς της ελληνικής διοικητικής μηχανής, με αποτέλεσμα τη λήψη ευνοϊκών, για τη σύσταση εταιρειών που θα αναλάμβαναν το έργο αυτό, αποφάσεων. Έτσι, η κυβέρνηση του Θρ. Ζαϊμη τον Νοέμβριο του 1869 έλαβε απόφαση και ψήφισε σχετικό νόμο "Περί διορύξεως του Ισθμού". Με τη ρύθμιση αυτή είχε δικαίωμα η κυβέρνηση να παραχωρήσει σε εταιρεία ή ιδιώτη το προνόμιο κατασκευής και εκμεταλλεύσεως της Διώρυγας της Κορίνθου. Για το σκοπό αυτό υπέγραψε το 1870 Σύμβαση με τους Γάλλους E.Piat και M. Chollet.
  Ο ζωντανός ιστορικός χρόνος όμως, το ιστορικό γίγνεσθαι, η πραγματική ζωή προχωρούσε στο μέλλον με βήματα αργά. Η σύμβαση αυτή ατόνησε και μόνο μετά από 12 χρόνια (1881) έγινε δυνατόν να συσταθεί η "Διεθνής Εταιρεία της Θαλασσίου Διώρυγος της Κορίνθου" από τον Ούγγρο στρατηγό Στέφανο Τύρρ, επίτιμο υπασπιστή του βασιλιά της Ιταλίας Βίκτωρος Εμμανουήλ. Η έναρξη των εργασιών, που αν ολοκληρωνόνταν θα προδίκαζαν την τύχη των ακτοπλοϊκών συγκοινωνιών της Ελλάδος αλλά και της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου, του Ευξείνου και της Αδριατικής, έγινε στις 23.04.1882 με την παρουσία του βασιλιά Γεωργίου Α' και πολλών επισήμων.
  Ως πιο οικονομική και συμφέρουσα κρίθηκε η χάραξη που είχε εφαρμόσει ο Νέρωνας, με μήκος 6.300 μ. Η Ιστορία είχε κάνει και πάλι το θαύμα της.
  Το έργο ολοκληρώνεται το 1893, ενώ ήδη η εξάντληση όλων των κεφαλαίων της αρχικής εταιρείας είχε οδηγήσει στην ανάληψη του έργου από Ελληνική εταιρεία υπό τον Ανδρέα Συγγρό. Τελικά, στις 25.07.1893 γίνονται με ιδιαίτερη λαμπρότητα τα εγκαίνια.
  Έτσι δικαιώθηκαν προσδοκίες και οράματα αιώνων και ανθρώπων. Προσπάθειες που ξεκινούν από τα βάθη της Ιστορίας και ολοκληρώνονται 2.493 (602 π.Χ., Περίανδρος - 1893 μ.Χ.) χρόνια μετά, οφείλουν όχι μόνο να συγκινήσουν αλλά και να ανακινήσουν στους σύγχρονους ανθρώπους σκέψεις που δε θα τους αφήσουν να βουλιάξουν στη φρεναπάτη της παντοδυναμίας που καλλιεργεί συστηματικά το λογικό τους, ότι δηλαδή μόνο το κράτος της τεχνικής και όχι το όνειρο, το όραμα, μπορεί να έχει θέση στο κόσμο του μέλλοντος. Τέτοια έργα μας θυμίζουν ότι τίποτα σύγχρονο δεν οφείλεται αποκλειστικά στο σήμερα, αντίθετα κυοφορείται από το παρελθόν, εμπνέει το παρόν και κάνει εντονότερη την εμφάνισή του στο μέλλον.
  1923 μ.Χ. - Σήμερα
  Η διώρυγα κόβει σε ευθεία γραμμή τον Ισθμό της Κορίνθου, σε μήκος 6.346 μ. Το πλάτος της Διώρυγας στην επιφάνεια της θάλασσας είναι 24,6 μ. και στο βυθό της 21,3 μ., ενώ το βάθος της κυμαίνεται μεταξύ 7,50 έως 8 μ. Ο συνολικός όγκος των χωμάτων που εξορύχθηκαν για την κατασκευή της Διώρυγας έφθασε τα 12 εκατομμύρια κυβικά μέτρα.
  Η γεωλογική σύσταση των πρανών της Διώρυγας είναι ανομοιόμορφη, με ποικιλία γεωλογικής συστάσεως εδαφών, που κόβονται από δεκάδες ρήγματα με κατεύθυνση από Ανατολών προς Δυσμάς και με οξεία γωνία σχετικά με τον άξονα της Διώρυγας. Αυτή η ιδιόμορφη γεωλογική σύσταση είχε σαν συνέπεια καταπτώσεις κατά καιρούς μεγάλων όγκων χωμάτων, με αποτέλεσμα να παραμείνει η Διώρυγα κλειστή για μεγάλα χρονικά διαστήματα. Συνολικά, από την έναρξη λειτουργίας της μέχρι το 1940, οι διάφορες καταπτώσεις προκάλεσαν το κλείσιμο της Διώρυγας για διάστημα 4 χρόνων. Η σημαντικότερη από τις καταπτώσεις αυτές έγινε το 1923 οπότε κατέπεσε όγκος χωμάτων 41.000 κυβικών μέτρων - και κράτησε τη Διώρυγα κλειστή για 2 χρόνια.
  Επίσης μεγάλη διακοπή της λειτουργίας της Διώρυγας έγινε το 1944 και οφείλεται σε ανατίναξη των πρανών που προκάλεσαν οι Γερμανοί φεύγοντας. Κατέπεσε τότε όγκος 60.000 κυβικών μέτρων χωμάτων, οι δε εργασίες εκφράξεως κράτησαν 5 χρόνια (1944-1949). Ας σημειωθεί ότι πριν από την ανατίναξη οι Γερμανοί έριξαν στη Διώρυγα σημαντικό αριθμό σιδηροδρομικών οχημάτων, για να δυσχεράνουν το έργο της έκφραξης, η οποία, όπως προαναφέρθηκε, διήρκεσε 5 χρόνια.
  Τα θαλάσσια ρεύματα μέσα στη Διώρυγα αλλάζουν κατεύθυνση περίπου κάθε έξι ώρες και στην αλλαγή αυτή η στάση των υδάτων είναι αισθητής διαρκείας. Η συνηθισμένη ταχύτητα των θαλασσίων ρευμάτων φθάνει τους 2,5 κόμβους και σπάνια ξεπερνά τους 3 κόμβους. Η στάθμη των υδάτων στη Διώρυγα δεν είναι σταθερή αλλά μεταβάλλεται αργά χωρίς σταθερή χρονική περίοδο. Η διαφορά μεταξύ της ανωτάτης στάθμης και της κατωτάτης (ρηχής) είναι το πολύ 60 εκατοστά του μέτρου.
  Στη Διώρυγα λειτουργούν δυο βυθιζόμενες γέφυρες, μια στην Ποσειδωνία και μια στην Ισθμία, που εξυπηρετούν στην επικοινωνία μεταξύ Στερεάς και Πελοποννήσου. Ασφάλεια και οικονομία. Αυτοί οι δυο στόχοι που χαρακτηρίζουν τις οικονομικές και επιχειρηματικές κινήσεις του αιώνα μας, προσφέρονται με τον καλύτερο τρόπο από τη Διώρυγα της Κορίνθου σε όσους εξαρτούν τα εμπορικά συμφέροντά τους από τις θάλασσες του Ευξείνου και της Μεσογείου.
  Τουρισμός. Η άλλη όψη της σύγχρονης Διώρυγας της Κορίνθου. Ανθρωποι κάθε εθνικότητας και φυλής περιηγούνται συμφιλιωμένοι, χωρίς διαφορές, τα όσα θαυμαστά δημιούργησε το ανθρώπινο χέρι και συμβάλλουν τόσο στην αναβάθμιση της μείζονος περιοχής όσο και στη συναδέλφωση των λαών.

Το κείμενο παρατίθεται τον Νοέμβριο 2004 από την ακόλουθη ιστοσελίδα, με φωτογραφίες, της Διαχείρισης Διώρυγας Κορίνθου Περίανδρος Α.Ε.

• http://www.corinthcanal.com/history.html (4 φωτ.)

Κορινθιακός Κόλπος

ΚΟΡΙΝΘΙΑΚΟΣ ΚΟΛΠΟΣ (Κόλπος) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ
  Στην εποχή της πρώιμης αρχαιότητας, ο Κορινθιακός κόλπος αρχίζει να αποκτά τη σημασία που διατηρεί μέχρι και τις μέρες μας. Με την άνθιση του εμπορίου και τις σημαντικές προόδους στη ναυσιπλοία. Οι διάφοροι λαοί που κατοικούν στα παράλια της Μεσογείου ξεφεύγουν από τα στενά γεωγραφικά όρια της περιοχής τους και πραγματοποιούν μεγάλα θαλάσσια ταξίδια, σε αναζήτηση νέων αγορών για τα προϊόντα τους αλλά και πλουσίων τόπων αποικισμού.
  Στην αρχή, τα πλοία που ταξίδευαν από την ανατολική Μεσόγειο προς τη Δύση αναγκάζονταν να κάνουν το περίπλου της Πελοποννήσου, κάτι εξαιρετικά δύσκολο και χρονοβόρο για τα δεδομένα της εποχής. Ετσι, στην προσπάθειά τους να βρουν ένα συντομότερο δρόμο, αρχίζουν να χρησιμοποιούν τον Κορινθιακό κόλπο ο οποίος είναι κλειστός στα ανατολικά από έναν ισθμό. Η κατασκευή διόλκου επιτρέπει στα πλοία να περάσουν στον Κορινθιακό κόλπο. Το γεγονός αυτό καθιστά τον Κορινθιακό κόλπο σημαντικότατη αρτηρία και συμβάλλει στην ανάπτυξη πόλεων όπως η Κόρινθος. Η διώρυγα δια της οποίας αποκόπηκε ο ισθμός ένωσε τον Κορινθιακό με το Σαρωνικό κόλπο. Πολλοί ήταν αυτοί που προσπάθησαν την διάνοιξη του ισθμού, όπως ο Περίανδρος (6ος αι. π.Χ.), ο Καίσαρ (44 π.Χ.), ο Νέρωνας (67 μ.Χ.), κ.ά. Ομως η έλλειψη τεχνικών μέσων έκανε την διάνοιξη ακόμη αδύνατη.
  Πρέπει να περάσουν αρκετοί αιώνες, ως το 1893, όταν το μεγάλο αυτό έργο πραγματοποιείται επί Χαριλάου Τρικούπη. Με τη διάνοιξη της διώρυγας η Πελοπόννησος μετατράπηκε σε νησί κι άνοιξε πλέον ελεύθερα το πέρασμα προς τον Κορινθιακό κόλπο.
  (Κείμενο: Μαρία Γεωργιάδου, Θηρεσία Κοντογιάννη)
  Το κείμενο (απόσπασμα) παρατίθεται τον Δεκέμβριο 2003 από τουριστικό φυλλάδιο (2002) της Νομαρχίας Κορινθίας.

ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ (Νομός) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ
  Η αρχαιολογική έρευνα τοποθετεί τα σημαντικότερα νεολιθικά κέντρα στην κοιλάδα του Ευρώτα νότια από τη Σπάρτη, στις εκβολές του ποταμού, στα σπήλαια του Διρού στις δυτικές ακτές της Μάνης και στην Ελαφόνησο. Πολύ περισσότερες θέσεις έχουν εντοπιστεί από την εποχή του χαλκού - από τα πρωτοελλαδικά, τα μεσοελλαδικά και τα μυκηναϊκά χρόνια. Κυρίως στις όχθες του Ευρώτα, στο τρίγωνο που σχηματίζουν σήμερα η Σπάρτη, το Γύθειο και οι Μολάοι. Αρκετές πόλεις των αρχαϊκών χρόνων μας είναι γνωστές από τον Όμηρο. Η Σπάρτη, το βασίλειο του Μενέλαου και της Ελένης, που τότε δεν βρισκόταν στο σημείο της πόλης των ιστορικών χρόνων. Κοντά της, οι Αμύκλαι, η Θεράπνη, η Φάρις και οι Βρυσέαι. Το Έλος στις εκβολές. Η Μέσσα, η Λας και το Οίτυλον στη δυτική χερσόνησο.
  Η εγκατάσταση των Δωριέων σήμανε την προώθηση της Σπάρτης στο προσκήνιο της ιστορίας, όπου διατηρήθηκε επί αιώνες, σε παράλληλη πορεία, αλλά και αντιπαράθεση με την Αθήνα. Η Σπάρτη των ιστορικών χρόνων, με τη μεθοδική οργάνωση, την πειθαρχία και τους ιδιότυπους θεσμούς της, αλλά και με τον χαρακτήρα των κατοίκων της, συνώνυμου του θάρρους και της αυταπάρνησης, έγινε το επίκεντρο της περιοχής, κυριάρχησε στη Νότια Πελοπόννησο, αλλά και πέρα απ’ αυτή, πρωτοστάτησε στους αμυντικούς πολέμους κατά των Περσών και νίκησε στον Πελοποννησιακό Πόλεμο, διαδραματίζοντας ηγετικό ρόλο στην εξέλιξη του αρχαίου ελληνικού κόσμου.
  Στη Λακεδαίμονα, όμως, στις πεδιάδες του Ευρώτα και στους κόλπους των ακτών, αναπτύχθηκαν κι άλλες πόλεις. Τόσες, ώστε να ονομαστεί "Εκατόμπολις". Μεταξύ αυτών, βόρεια, στα οδικά περάσματα, η Αίγυς, η Βελεμίνα, η Πελλάνα και η Σελλασία, όπου το 222 π.Χ. οι Σπαρτιάτες ηττήθηκαν από τους Μακεδόνες. Γύρω από τη Σπάρτη, από τα μυκηναϊκά χρόνια, η Θεράπνη, οι Βρυσέαι, η Φάρις και οι Αμύκλαι, με το φημισμένο ιερό του Υάκινθου και του Απόλλωνα. Ανατολικά τους η Σελινούς και νοτιανατολικά οι Γερόνθαι το μεσαιωνικό, αλλά και σημερινό Γεράκι. Πιο κάτω οι Κροκεαί, με τα λατομεία του πασίγνωστου κροκεάτη λίθου. Πάντα κοντά στο Λακωνικό κόλπο, το Έλος. Προς την ανατολική χερσόνησο, οι Ακρίαι, η Κυπαρισσία και ο Ασωπός, με ίχνη να διακρίνονται ακόμη στη θάλασσα. Και στην άκρη της χερσονήσου, απέναντι από την "Όνου Γνάθον", την Ελαφόνησο, οι Βοιαί, σημαντικό λιμάνι, η σημερινή Νεάπολη. Βορειότερα στην ανατολική ακτή, το άλλο σημαντικό λιμάνι, η Επίδαυρος Λιμηρά. Το πιο σημαντικό, όμως, στην άλλη πλευρά, στη δυτική γωνία του Λακωνικού κόλπου. Το Γύθειο, ναύσταθμος της Σπάρτης και εμπορικό εξαγωγικό κέντρο στο πέρασμα των αιώνων. Νότιά του, η Λας και η Ασίνη. Και στη δυτική χερσόνησο, ψηλά το Οίτυλο και κατεβαίνοντας προς το ακρωτήρι η Πύρριχος, η Τευθρώνη, η Καινήπολις, η Μέσσα και η Ιππόλα.
  Με την παρακμή της Σπάρτης και τη ρωμαϊκή κυριαρχία, εικοσιτρείς πόλεις, κυρίως παραλιακές, δημιούργησαν το Κοινόν των Λακεδαιμονίων, που το 22 π.Χ. μετονομάστηκε σε Κοινόν των Ελευθερολακώνων. Με την πολιτική αυτή οργάνωση η Λακωνία άκμασε ως τα μέσα του 3ου αιώνα μ.Χ. Αλλά βαρβαρικές επιδρομές και ένας φοβερός σεισμός τον 4ο αιώνα έφεραν την καταστροφή. Έναν αιώνα μετά στα ερείπια της αρχαίας Σπάρτης άρχισε να χτίζεται η χριστιανική πόλη με το όνομα Λακεδαιμονία.
  Στην Επαρχία της Αχαϊας τα πρώτα βυζαντινά χρόνια, στο Θέμα της Πελοποννήσου κατόπιν, την εποχή της Βυζαντινής Αυτοκρατορίας, η Λακωνία επανήλθε δυναμικά στο προσκήνιο στα μέσα του 13ου αιώνα, όταν οι Φράγκοι έχτισαν και λίγο αργότερα παρέδωσαν στους Βυζαντινούς το κάστρο του Μυστρά, που έγινε η έδρα του Δεσποτάτου του Μωρέως. Στα χρόνια της τουρκοκρατίας συχνά οι πόλεις, τα λιμάνια και τα κάστρα της είδαν πολεμικές επιχειρήσεις μεταξύ Βενετών και Τούρκων, πειρατικές επιδρομές και εξορμήσεις, επαναστατικούς αγώνες. Αναδείχθηκε τότε όλο και περισσότερο η Μάνη, η δυσπρόσιτη δυτική χερσόνησος, που έμεινε απλησίαστη από κατακτητές, διατηρώντας την αυτονομία, τις παραδόσεις και το ελεύθερο πνεύμα της. Καταφύγιο και ορμητήριο, κοινωνία κλειστή, με δικούς της κανόνες, διαμόρφωσε γενιές σκληροτράχηλων πολεμιστών, ελεύθερων ανθρώπων, και πρόσφερε πολλά στον Αγώνα του 1821, που οδήγησε στη δημιουργία του ανεξάρτητου Ελληνικού κράτους. Η μακραίωνη αυτή ιστορία της Λακωνίας αναβλύζει από τις πηγές - μνημεία και τοποθεσίες - σε κάθε βήμα του ταξιδιώτη. Στα ευρήματα της Σπάρτης και στο αρχαιολογικό της μουσείο. Στον "θρόνο" του Απόλλωνα στις Αμύκλες. Στον αρχαιολογικό χώρο του Γύθειου. Στα διάσπαρτα παντού κατάλοιπα του χρόνου. Στις βυζαντινές εκκλησίες, τα ιστορικά μοναστήρια και τα κάστρα, αλλά και σε ολόκληρες μεσαιωνικές πολιτείες - τον Μυστρά, το Γεράκι και τη Μονεμβασιά. Σε ολόκληρες περιοχές, όπως η Μάνη με τα άγρια γοητευτικά τοπία και τα πυργόσπιτα, που σηματοδοτούν τη μοναδική λαϊκή αρχιτεκτονική της.
(κείμενο: Σωτήρης Μπακανάκης)
Το κείμενο (απόσπασμα) παρατίθεται το Μάρτιο 2004 από τουριστικό φυλλάδιο της Νομαρχίας Λακωνίας.

Messenia

ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ (Αρχαία περιοχή) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
  The earliest inhabitants of Messenia are said to have been Leleges. Polycaon, the younger son of Lelex, the king of Laconia, married the Argive Messene, and took possession of the country, which he named after his wife. He built several towns, and among others Andania, where he took up his residence. (Paus. i. 1.) At the end of five generations Aeolians came into the country under Perieres, a son of Aeolus. He was succeeded by his son Aphareus, who founded Arene, and received the Aeolian Neleus, a fugitive from Thessaly. Neleus founded Pylus, and his descendants reigned here over the western coast. (Paus. i. 2.) On the extinction of the family of Aphareus, the eastern half of Messenia was united with Laconia, and came under the sovereignty of the Atridae; while the western half continued to belong to the kings of Pylus. (Paus. iv. 3. § 1.) Hence Euripides, in referring to the mythic times, makes the Pamisus the boundary of Laconia and Messenia ; for which he is reproved by Strabo, because this was not the case in the time of the geographer. (Strab. viii. p. 366.) Of the seven cities which Agamemnon in the Iliad (ix. 149) offers to Achilles, some were undoubtedly in Messenia; but as only two, Pherae and Cardamyle, retained their Homeric names in the historical age, it is difficult to identify the other five. (Strab. viii. p. 359; Diod. xv. 66.)
  With the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians a new epoch commences in the history of Messenia. This country fell to the lot of Cresphontes, who is represented as driving the Neleidae out of Pylus and making himself master of the whole country. According to the statement of Ephorus (ap. Strab. viii. p. 361), Cresphontes divided Messenia into five parts, of which he made Stenyclerus the royal residence.1 In the other four towns he appointed viceroys, and bestowed upon the former inhabitants the same rights and privileges as the Dorian conquerors. But this gave offence to the Dorians; and he was obliged to collect them all in Stenyclerus, and to declare this the only city of Messenia. Notwithstanding these concessions, the Dorians put Cresphontes and all his children to death, with the exception of Aepytus, who was then very young, and was living with his grandfather Cypselus in Arcadia. When this youth had grown up, he was restored to his kingdom by the help of the Arcadians, Spartans, and Argives. From Aepytus the Messenian kings were called Aepytidae, in preference to Heracleidae, and continued to reign in Stenyclerus till the sixth generation, -their names being Aepytus, Glaucus, Isthmius, Dotadas, Sybotas, Phintas, -when the first Messenian war with Sparta began. (Paus. iv. 3.) According to the common legend, which represents the Dorian invaders as conquering Peloponnesus at one stroke, Cresphontes immediately became master of the whole of Messenia. But, as in the case of Laconia, there is good reason for believing this to be the invention of a later age, and that the Dorians in Messenia were at first confined to the plain of Stenyclerus. They appear to have penetrated into this plain from Arcadia, and their whole legendary history points to their close connection with the latter country. Cresphontes himself married the daughter of the Arcadian king Cypselus; and the name of his son Aepytus, from whom the line of the Messenian kings was called, was that of an ancient Arcadian hero. (Hom. Il. ii. 604, Schol. ad loc.; comp. Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 437, seq.)
  The Messenian wars with Sparta are related in every history of Greece, and need not be repeated here. According to the common chronology, the first war lasted from B.C. 743 to 724, and the second from B.C. 685 to 668; but both of these dates are probably too early. It is necessary, however, to glance at the origin of the first war, because it is connected with a disputed topographical question, which has only recently received a satisfactory solution. Mt. Taygetus rises abruptly and almost precipitously above the valley of the Eurotas, but descends more gradually, and in many terraces, on the other side. The Spartans had at a very early period taken possession of the western slopes, but how far their territory extended on this side has been a matter of dispute. The confines of the two countries was marked by a temple of Artemis Limnatis, at a place called Limnae, where the Messenians and Laconians offered sacrifices in common and it was the murder of the Spartan king Teleclus at this place which gave occasion to the First Messenian War. (Paus. iii. 2. § 6, iv. 4. §2, iv. 31. §3; comp. Strab. vi. p. 257, viii. p. 362.) The exact site of Limnae is not indicated by Pausanias; and accordingly Leake, led chiefly by the name, supposes it to have been situated in the plain upon the left bank of the Pamisus, at the marshes near the confluence of the Aris and Pamisus, and not far from the site of the modern town of Nisi (Nesi, island), which derives that appellation from the similar circumstance of its position. (Leake, Morea, vol. i. p. 361.) But Ross has discovered the ruins of the temple of Artemis Limnatis on the western slope of Mt. Taygetus, on a part of the mountains called Volimnos (Bolimnos), and amidst the ruins of the church of Panaghia Volimniatissa (Panagia Bolimniatissa). Volimnos is the name of of a hollow in the mountains near a mountain torrent flowing into the Nedon, and situated between the villages of Sitzova and Poliani, of which the latter is about 7 miles NE. of Kalamata, the ancient Pherae. The fact of the similarity of the names, Bolimnos and Limnai, and also of Panagia Bolimniatissa and Artemis Limnatis, as well as the ruins of a temple in this secluded spot, would alone make it probable that these are the remains of the celebrated temple of Artemis Limnatis; but this is rendered certain by the inscriptions found by Ross upon the spot, in which this goddess is mentioned by name. It is also confirmed by the discovery of two boundary stones to the eastward of the ruins, upon the highest ridge of Taygetus, upon which are inscribed Horos Lakedaimoni pros Messenen. These pillars, therefore, show that the boundaries of Messenia and Laconia must at one period have been at no great distance from this temple, which is always represented as standing near the confines of the two countries. This district was a frequent subject of dispute between the Messenians and Lacedaemonians even in the times of the Roman Empire, as we shall see presently. Tacitus calls it the Dentheliates Ager (Hist. iv. 43); and that this name, or something similar, was the proper appellation of the district, appears from other authorities. Stephanus B. speaks of a town Denthalii (Denthalioi, s. v.: others read Delthanioi), which was a subject of contention between the Messenians and Lacedaemonians. Alcman also (ap. Athen. i. p. 31), in enumerating the different kinds of Laconian wine, mentions also a Denthian wine (Denbis oinos), which came from a fortress Denthiades (ek Denthiadon erumatos tinos), as particularly good. Ross conjectures that this fortress may have stood upon the mountain of St. George, a little S. of Sitzova, where a few ancient remains are said to exist. The wine of this mountain is still celebrated. The position of the above-mentioned places will be best shown by the accompanying map.
  But to return to the history of Messenia. In each of the two wars with Sparta, the Messenians, after being defeated in the open plain, took refuge in a strong fortress, in Ithome in the first war, and in Eira or Ira in the second, where they maintained themselves for several years. At the conclusion of the Second Messenian War, many of the Messenians left their country, and settled in various parts of Greece, where their descendants continued to dwell as exiles, hoping for their restoration to their native land. A large number of them, under the two sons of Aristomenes, sailed to Rhegium in Italy, and afterwards crossed over to the opposite coast of Sicily, where they obtained possession of Zancle, to which they gave their own name, which the city has retained down to the present day. Those who remained were reduced to the condition of Helots, and the whole of Messenia was incorporated with Sparta. From this time (B.C. 668) to the battle of Leuctra (B.C. 371), a period of nearly 300 years, the name of Messenia was blotted out of history, and their country bore the name of Laconia, a fact which it is important to recollect in reading the history of that period. Once only the Messenians attempted to recover their independence. The great earthquake of B.C. 464, which reduced Sparta to a heap of ruins, encouraged the Messenians and other Helots to rise against their oppressors. They took refuge in their ancient stronghold of Ithome; and the Spartans, after besieging the place in vain for ten years, at length obtained possession of it, by allowing the Messenians to retire unmolested from Peloponnesus. The Athenians settled the exiles at Naupactus, which they had lately taken from the Locri Ozolae; and in the Peloponnesian War they were among the most active of the allies of Athens. (Thuc. i. 101-103; Paus. iv. 24. § 5, seq.) The capture of Athens by the Lacedaemonians compelled the Messenians to quit Naupactus. Many of them took refuge in Sicily and Rhegium, where some of their countrymen were settled; but the greater part sailed to Africa, and obtained settlements among the Euesperitae, a Libyan people. (Paus. iv. 26. § 2.) After the power of Sparta had been broken by the battle of Leuctra (B.C. 371), Epaminondas, in order to prevent her from regaining her former influence in the Peloponnesus, resolved upon forming an Arcadian confederation, of which Megalopolis was to be the capital, and at the same time of restoring the Messenian state. To accomplish the latter object, he not only converted the Helots into free Messenians, but he despatched messengers to Italy, Sicily, and Africa, where the exiled Messenians had settled, inviting them to return to their native land. His summons was gladly responded to, and in B.C. 369 the new town of Messene was built. Its citadel or acropolis was placed upon the summit of Mt. Ithome, while the town itself was situated lower down on the slope, though connected with its acropolis by a continuous wall. (Diod. xv. 66; Paus. iv. 27.) During the 300 years of exile, the Messenians retained their ancient customs and Doric dialect; and even in the time of Pausanias they spoke the purest Doric in Peloponnesus. (Paus. iv. 27. § 11; comp. Muller, Door. vol. ii. p. 421, transl.) Other towns were also rebuilt, but a great part of the land still continued uncultivated and deserted. (Strab. viii. p. 362.) Under the protection of Thebes, and in close alliance with the Arcadians (comp. Polyb. iv. 32), Messene maintained its independence, and the Lacedaemonians lost Messenia for ever. On the downfall of the Theban supremacy, the Messenians courted the alliance of Philip of Macedon, and consequently took no part with the other Greeks at the battle of Chaeroneia, B.C. 388. (Paus. iv. 28. § 2.) Philip rewarded them by compelling the Lacedaemonians to cede to them Limnae and certain districts. (Polyb. ix. 28; Tac. Anns. [p. 345] iv. 43.) That these districts were those of Alagonia, Gerenia, Cardamyle, and Leuctra, situated northward of the smaller Pamisus, which flows into the Messenian gulf just below Leuctra, we may conclude from the statement of Strabo (viii. p. 361) that this river had been the subject of dispute between the Messenians and Lacedaemonians before Philip. The Messenians appear to have maintained that their territory extended even further south in the most ancient times, since they alleged that the island of Pephnus had once belonged to them. (Paus. iv. 26. § 3.) At a later time the Messenians joined the Achaean League, and fought along with the Achaeans and Antigonus Doson at the battle of Sellasia, B.C. 222. (Paus. iv. 29. § 9.) Long before this the Lacedaemonians appear to have recovered the districts assigned to the Messenians by Philip; for after the battle of Sellasia the boundaries of the two people were again settled by Antigonus. (Tac. Ann. l. c.) Shortly afterwards Philip V. sent Demetrius of Pharus, who was then living at his court, on an expedition to surprise Messene; but the attempt was unsuccessful, and Demetrius himself was slain. (Polyb. iii. 19; Paus. iv. 29. §§ 1-5, where this attempt is erroneously ascribed to Demetrius II., king of Macedonia.) Demetrius of Pharus had observed to Philip that Mt. Ithome and the Acrocorinthus were the two horns of Peloponnesus, and that whoever held these horns was master of the bull. (Strab. viii. p. 361.) Afterwards Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, also made an attempt upon Messene, and had even entered within the walls, when he was driven back by Philopoemen, who came with succours from Megalopolis. (Paus. iv. 29. § 10.) In the treaty made between Nabis and the Romans in B.C. 195, T. Quintius Flamininus compelled him to restore all the property he had taken from the Messenians. (Liv. xxxiv. 35 ; Plut. Flamin 13.) A quarrel afterwards arose between the Messenians and the Achaean League, which ended in open war. At first the Achaeans were unsuccessful. Their general Philopoemen was taken prisoner and put to death by the Messenians, B.C. 183; but Lycortas, who succeeded to the command, not only defeated the Messenians in battle, but captured their city, and executed all who had taken part in the death of Philopoemen. Messene again joined the Achaean League, but Abia, Thuria, and Pharae now separated themselves from Messene, and became each a distinct member of the league. (Paus. iv. 30. §§ 11, 12; Liv. xxxix. 49; Polyb. xxiv. 9, seq., xxv. 1.) By the loss of these states the territory of Messene did not extend further eastward than the Pamisus; but on the settlement of the affairs of Greece by Mummius, they not only recovered their cities, but also the Dentheliates Ager, which the Lacedaemonians had taken possession of. (Tac. Ann. iv. 43.) This district continued to be a subject of dispute between the two states. It was again assigned to the Messenians by the Milesians, to whose arbitration the question had been submitted, and also by Atidius Geminus, praetor of Achaia. (Tac. l. c.) But after the battle of Actium, Augustus, in order to punish the Messenians for having espoused the side of Antony, assigned Thuria and Pharae to the Lacedaemonians, and consequently the Dentheliates Ager, which lay east of these states. (Paus. iv. 31. § 2, comp. iv. 30. § 2.) Tacitus agrees with Pausanias, that the Dentheliates Ager belonged to the Lacedaemonians in the reign of Tiberius; but he differs from the latter writer in assigning the possession of the Lacedaemonians to a decision of C. Caesar add M. Antonius ( post C. Caesaris et Marci Antonii sententia redditum ). In such a matter, however, the authority of Pausanias deserves the preference. We learn, however, from Tacitus (l. c.), that Tiberius reversed the decision of Augustus, and restored the disputed district to the Messenians, who continued to keep possession of it in the time of Pausanias; for this writer mentions the woody hollow called Choerius, 20 stadia south of Abia, as the boundary between the two states in his time (iv. 1. § 1, iv. 30. § 1). It is a curious fact that the district, which had been such a frequent subject of dispute in antiquity, was in the year 1835 taken from the government of Misthra (Sparta), to which it had always belonged in modern times, and given to that of Kalamata. (Ross, Reisen im Peloponnnes, p. 2.)

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

ΝΕΑΠΟΛΗ (Κωμόπολη) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ
  Η Νεάπολη είναι χτισμένη στη θέση της αρχαίας πόλης Βοιές. Ευρήματα ότι οι ακτές του όρμου είχαν κατοικηθεί από την πρώιμη Εποχή του Χαλκού. Οι Βοιές ήταν ένα από τα κέντρα κατά τους μυκηναϊκούς, αλλά και τους κλασικούς χρόνους. Γνώρισαν, όμως, τη μεγαλύτερη ακμή τους τη ρωμαϊκή εποχή ως μία από τις πόλεις του Κοινού των Ελευθερολακώνων. Αλλά ο καταστρεπτικός σεισμός του 375 μ.Χ. ανέκοψε την πορεία τους. Το όνομα Βάτικα (Βοιατικά), που προσδιορίζει την ευρύτερη περιοχή, αναφέρεται το 15ο αιώνα στα ενετικά αρχεία σαν όνομα ενός μικρού κάστρου, που άλλαξε πολλές φορές χέρια ανάμεσα σε Ενετούς και Τούρκους. Οι επιδρομές των Αλβανών, μετά τα Ορλωφικά του 1770, ανάγκασαν πολλούς από τους κατοίκους να αναζητήσουν καταφύγιο στα ασφαλή νησιά του Αιγαίου. Όσοι Βατικιώτες παρέμειναν είχαν τη δική τους συνεισφορά στον Απελευθερωτικό Αγώνα του 1821 και ο Βοιατικός όρμος έγινε κέντρο επιχειρήσεων του ελληνικού στόλου.
  Η μακραίωνη ιστορία του τόπου επισημαίνεται από τα αξιόλογα αρχαιολογικά ευρήματα και τα κατάλοιπα της αρχαίας πόλης κοντά στη σημερινή Νεάπολη. Η συνέχειά της υπογραμμίζεται από το μεσαιωνικό κάστρο της Αγίας Παρασκευής, καλά οχυρωμένο από τους Ενετούς, σε λόφο στο δρόμο προς το Μεσοχώρι.
  Η σημερινή πόλη άρχισε να χτίζεται μετά το 1837.
Το κείμενο (απόσπασμα) παρατίθεται το Μάρτιο 2004 από τουριστικό φυλλάδιο της Δημοτικής Επιχείρησης Ανάπτυξης Βοιών (2001).

Σπάρτη: 30 αιώνες ιστορίας & πολιτισμού

ΣΠΑΡΤΗ (Πόλη) ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ
  Η ομηρική παράδοση αναφέρει μια σειρά πόλεων της Λακωνικής που συμμετέχουν στον Τρωικό Πόλεμο. Ένα από τα ακμαιότερα κέντρα είναι ασφαλώς το βασίλειο του Μενελάου - εκτός της ποιητικής αφορμής της Τρωικής εκστρατείας με την αρπαγή της Ωραίας Ελένης από τον Πάρη - μας έδωσε αξεπέραστα δείγματα πλούτου και καλλιτεχνικής άνθησης, όπως τα χρυσά κύπελλα του Βαφειού που φυλάσσονται στο Εθνικό Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Αθηνών. Οι Δωριείς που εγκαθίστανται στη Λακωνία κατά τους ιστορικούς χρόνους φέρνουν τη Σπάρτη και την επικράτειά της στην κορυφή της Ελληνικής ιστορίας.
  Η Σπάρτη στην αρχαϊκή περίοδο, εκτός από πρώτη στρατιωτική δύναμη της εποχής της, είναι ένα σπουδαίο καλλιτεχνικό κέντρο που έρχεται ενεργά και γόνιμα σε επαφή με όλο τον έξω κόσμο. Η Σπάρτη, ο Λυκούργος και ο Λεωνίδας, είναι ονόματα που πέρασαν έκτοτε τα σύνορα της Ελλάδας, πολιτογραφήθηκαν στην παγκόσμια ιστορία και έγιναν συνώνυμα με τις έννοιες της ρώμης, του σεβασμού στους Νόμους, την αυτοπειθαρχία και την φιλοπατρία.
  Η περίοδος της ρωμαϊκής κυριαρχίας είναι εποχή άνθισης οικονομικής και καλλιτεχνικής, όπως μαρτυρούν τα ερείπια του Αρχαίου Θεάτρου, τα περίφημα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα των επαύλεων, ο μεγάλος αριθμός των γλυπτών που εκτίθενται στο Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο της Σπάρτης.
  Η ασήμαντη βυζαντινή επαρχία που τώρα πια ονομάζεται Λακεδαιμονία αρχίζει πάλι να αποκτά σημασία μετά την κατάκτησή της από τους Φράγκους Σταυροφόρους που οχυρώνουν με κάστρα τα στρατηγικά της σημεία. Ουσιαστικά, όμως, μια νέα περίοδος ακμής αρχίζει με την παράδοση του Μυστρά στους Βυζαντινούς το 1262.
  Η Σπάρτη, στην αρχαϊκή, εκτός από πρώτη στρατιωτική δύναμη της εποχής της, είναι ένα σπουδαίο καλλιτεχνικό κέντρο που έρχεται ενεργά και γόνιμα σε επαφή με όλο τον έξω κόσμο. Η Σπάρτη, ο Λυκούργος και ο Λεωνίδας, είναί ονόματα που πέρασαν έκτοτε τα σύνορα της Ελλάδας, πολιτογραφήθηκαν στην παγκόσμια ιστορία και έγιναν συνώνυμα με τις έννοιες της ρώμης, του σεβασμού στους Νόμους, την αυτοπειθαρχία και την φιλοπατρία.
  Η περίοδος της ρωμαϊκής κυριαρχίας είναι εποχή άνθισης οικονομικής και καλλιτεχνικής, όπως μαρτυρούν τα ερείπια του Αρχαίου Θεάτρου, τα περίφημα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα των επαύλεων, οι μεγάλος αριθμός των γλυπτών που εκτίθενται στο Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο της Σπάρτης.
  Η ασήμαντη βυζαντινή επαρχία που τώρα πια ονομάζεται Λακεδαιμονία αρχίζει πάλι να αποκτά σημασία μετά την κατάκτησή της από τους Φράγκους Σταυροφόρους που οχυρώνουν με κάστρα τα στρατηγικά της σημεία. Ουσιαστικά, όμως, μια νέα περίοδος ακμής αρχίζει με την παράδοση του Μυστρά.
Το κείμενο (απόσπασμα) παρατίθεται το Μάρτιο 2004 από τουριστικό φυλλάδιο του Δήμου Σπάρτης (2000-2001).

Ιστορικά στοιχεία χωριού Γκιότσαλι

ΑΓΙΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ (Χωριό) ΝΙΑΤΑ

• http://www.gianniskofinas.com/lakonia/d_niaton/gki...

Clipeus, Clipeum (aspis, sakos)

ΑΡΓΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
Clipaus also Clipeum (aspis, sakos), the large shield used by the Greeks and the Romans, which was originally of circular shape, and is said to have been first used by Proetus and Acrisius of Argos (Paus. ii. 25,6), and therefore is called clipeus Argolicus (Verg. Aen. iii. 637; cf. Pollux, i. 149). According to other accounts, however, it was derived from the Egyptians (Herod. iv. 180; Plat. Tim. 24 B).
  One of the earliest extant representations of Greek shields is to be found in the engraving on a sword-blade found at Mycenae, representing a combat between men and lions. It will be seen that some of the men carry shields resembling a scutum, others shields which recall the shape of the Boeotian shield, and that each form covers about three quarters of the person, and is partly supported by a strap passing round the shoulders. But the Homeric poems, which are probably of later date, are by no means in complete agreement with this representation.
  The heroes of the Iliad carry a shield which is round (iii. 347; v. 453), and large enough to cover the whole man (amphibrote, ii. 389; podenekes, xv. 646; permioessa, xvi. 803: the shield of Ajax is like a tower, vii. 219; cf. Tyrtaeus, xi. 23). It is composed by sewing together circular pieces of untanned oxhide (Il. iv. 447; v. 452; vii. 238; xii. 105), varying in number (four in xv. 479; seven in vii. 245). These are strengthened on both sides by plates of bronze, the outer hides and plates being of smaller diameter, so that on the edge of the shield both hide and metal are thinnest (xx. 275).
  Sarpedon's shield is forged of plates of bronze, to which ox-hides are attached on the inside by golden rods or bolts (rhabdoi) running all round the circle (xii. 294-8). Ten circles of bronze run round Agamemnon's shield (xi. 32). Achilles' shield is composed entirely of metal in five plates--two of bronze, two of tin, and a central one of gold (xx. 270). The structure is bound together by a metal rim (antux), which in Achilles' shield is triple (xviii. 479). At the centre of the shield is a metal boss (omphalos). Agamemnon's shield is studded with twenty bosses of tin and a central one of cyanus (xi. 34). Concerning the appliances for wielding the shield, we have no clear indication: the two kanones mentioned in xiii. 407 and viii. 193 may be rods running across the hollow part of the shield, and serving as handles. When not in use, the shield is suspended by the telamon (balteus), which passes round the breast, the shield hanging at the back (xiv. 404; cf. Herod. i. 171). The practice of decorating the shield has commenced: for to pass over the wonders of Achilles' shield, in which we probably have the effect of the poet's imagination working on some production of Assyrian or Egyptian art which he had seen, Agamemnon's shield bears a Gorgon's head with figures of Terror and Fear, designed perhaps less as an ornament than to alarm the foe (Il. xi. 36).
  The laiseia pteroenta, which in v. 453 and xii. 426 are contrasted with the aspides eukukloi, are explained by the Scholiasts as light and diminutive aspides. The epithet pteroeis may refer to some apron, such as is figured below.
  Turning from the Iliad to the representations and texts of later times, we observe no shields which, like those of heroic times, protect the whole of the warrior's body: they usually cover him from the neck to the knees. Besides the circular or Argive shield, we frequently find represented an oval shield with a strong rim and apertures in the middle of each side (kenchromata, Eur. Phoen. 1386), through which to watch the enemy. This is known as the Boeotian shield, being commonly found on the coins of the Boeotian cities.
  The shield was now formed entirely of brass (panchalkos). An apron, apparently of leather or thick stuff, was sometimes attached to it to protect in some measure the warrior's legs, especially when he did not wear greaves. It was ornamented with patterns or figures. A shield furnished with this appliance is given on the next column, and another under Tuba.
  The simplest arrangement for holding the shield consisted of two metal handles, one to pass the arm through, the other to grasp with the hand; but we very frequently observe the arrangement shown below (from one of the terra-cotta vases published by Tischbein, iv. tab. 20), which may be explained thus:
A band of metal, wood, or leather, was placed across the inside from rim to rim, like the diameter of a circle, to which were affixed a number of small iron bars, crossing each other somewhat in the form of the letter X, which met the arm below the inner bend of the elbow joint, and served to steady the orb. This apparatus, which is said to have been invented by the Carians (Herod. i. 171), was termed ochanon or ochane. Around the inner edge ran a leather thong (porpax), fixed by nails at certain distances, so that it formed a succession of loops all round, which the soldier grasped with his hand (embalon porpaki gennaian chera, Eur. Hel. 1396; polurraphoi porpaki, Soph. Aj. 576 ). But it is somewhat difficult to distinguish these terms, for Plutarch tells us that when Cleomenes III. introduced among the Spartans the sarisa,, which employed both hands, in place of the spear, he also made them carry the shield by the ochane, instead of the porpax (Cleom. 11), while others (e.g. the Scholiast on Aristoph. Eq. 849) treat them as convertible terms.
  At the close of a war it was customary for the Greeks to suspend their shields in the temples, when the porpakes were taken off, in order to render them unserviceable in case of any sudden or popular outbreak ; which custom accounts for the alarm of Demos (Aristoph. l. c.), when he saw them hanging up with their handles on. Sometimes shields were kept in a case (sagma, Aristoph. Ach. 574; Eur. Andr. 617). In Gerhard (op. cit. pl. cclxix.) we see a sagma, made of some stuff, being removed from a shield.
  The aspis was the characteristic defensive weapon (hoplon) of the heavy-armed infantry (hoplitai) during the historical times of Greece, and is opposed to the lighter pelte and gerron: hence we find the word aspis used to signify a body of hoplitai (Xen. Anab. i. 7, 10). It was only exceptionally used by cavalry (Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 24, iv. 4, 10; Aelian. Tact. ii. 12; Arrian. Tact. iv. 15). It was distinctively a Greek shield. Thus none of the Eastern peoples who served under Xerxes (Herod. vii. 61 ff.) were armed with it.
  The Roman clipeus is seen in the accompanying illustration from Trajan's Column. According to Livy (i. 43), when the census was instituted by Servius Tullius, the first class only used the clipeus, and the second were armed with the scutum; but after the Roman soldier received pay, the clipeus was discontinued altogether for the Sabine scutum. (Liv. viii. 8; cf. ix. 19; Plut. Rom. 21; Diod. Eclog. xxiii. 3, who asserts that the original form of the Roman shield was square, and that it was subsequently changed for that of the Tyrrhenians, which was round.)
  The emblazoning of shields with devices (semata, semeia) was said to be derived from the Carians (Herod. i. 171). The bearings on the shields of the heroes before Thebes, as described by Aeschylus in the Seven against Thebes and Euripides in the Phoenissae, exhibit the development of devices in post-Homeric times. Some shields, like Agamemnon's, bear subjects designed to strike terror (Theb. 488, 534: to that of Tydeus bronze bells are attached with this object, ib. 381); others show also the warrior's pride or boastful spirit (ib. 427, 461). Other subjects are purely mythological (ib. 382), or indicate the owner's ancestry (ib. 507), while Amphiaraus is too proud of his real worth to bear any device at all (ib. 587; Eur. Phoen. 1111). The semata already serve to distinguish the warriors to those at a distance (ib. 141). This custom of emblazoning shields is illustrated by the following beautiful gem from the antique, in which the figure of Victory is represented inscribing upon a clipeus the name or merits of some deceased hero.
  From the historians we find that while an individual sometimes attracted attention by an unusual device (Alcibiades' was an eros keraunophoros, Plut. Alcib. 16), cities made use of some common symbol for their shields, which might be easily recognisable by their friends: thus the Lacedaemonians used A, the Sicyonians S, the Thebans Hercules' club, a practice of which the enemy sometimes took a treacherous advantage (Xen. Hell. iv. 4, 10, vii. 50; Paus. iv. 28, 5).
  Each Roman soldier also had his own name and a mark indicating his cohort inscribed upon his shield, in order that he might readily find his own when the order was given to unpile arms; and sometimes the name of the commander under whom he fought.
  The practice of emblazoning shields is attested by the extant shields and representations of shields, and is well exhibited in the works illustrative of painted vases. (See cuts under arma and lorica) The decorations vary from the simplest arrangements of lines and curves to the richest engraving of the inside as well as the outside of the shield. The shields accompanying famous statues of divinities were often masterpieces of engraving. Thus Pheidias engraved on the outside of the shield of his colossal Athene at Athens, the combat of the Athenians and the Amazons, and on the inside the war of the gods and the giants (Plut. Pericl. 31; Paus. i. 17, 2; Plin. H. N. xxxvi.18).
  A victorious army sometimes dedicated their own shields (Paus. x. 19, 4; cf. i. 26, 2; ii. 17,3), or an engraved shield of gold (ib. v. 10,4; Herod. i. 92; Aeschin. Cies. 116), as an offering in a temple. In the latter case we have a shield which is expressly made as a work of art, and not for warfare, as Pausanias remarks concerning those set up in the gymnasium at Olympia (vi. 23,7). These practices, transferred to Rome (Liv. xxv. 39), gave rise to the clipei or clipeatae imagines, the history of which is sketched by Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 2-14), who tells us that Appius Claudius (Consul 495 B.C.) originated the custom, by dedicating in the temple of Bellona clipei bearing portraits of his ancestors, and that his example was followed by M. Aemilius, who thus adorned his own house as well as the basilica Aemilia, as is represented on the coin of the gens Aemilia (See cut under basilica). Under the empire this became a customary act of adulation to the emperor (Tac. Ann. ii. 83; Capitolin. Antonin. 5; Treb. Poll. Claud. 3); and the clipeus aureus of Caligula was annually carried to the Capitol, in a procession composed of the colleges of priests, the senate, and noble youths and maidens singing his praises.
  Finally, shields of various shapes in metal or marble were suspended from the roofs of porticus, or in the atrium of private houses, round the impluvium, for purely decorative purposes. Many such shields were found at Pompeii and Herculaneum, and are preserved in the Museum of Naples. They are usually engraved on both sides, and most commonly with mythological, especially Bacchanalian, subjects.
Clipeus is also the name of a contrivance for regulating the temperature of the vapour bath (balneae).

This text is from: A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890) (eds. William Smith, LLD, William Wayte, G. E. Marindin). Cited June 2005 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890) (eds. William Smith, LLD, William Wayte, G. E. Marindin)
• http://perseus.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/cgi-bin/ptext?d...
Perseus: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ (Νομός) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ

Ένα Iστορικό Οδοιπορικό στην Aρκαδία
Ιστοσελίδα του Arcadia website
• http://arcadia.ceid.upatras.gr/arkadia/arcadia-his...
Ο περιηγητής Παυσανίας στην Αρκαδία
Ιστοσελίδα του Arcadia website
• http://arcadia.ceid.upatras.gr/arkadia/arcadia-his...
Αρκαδία, μια Σύντομη Iστορική Ανασκόπηση
Ιστοσελίδα του Arcadia website
• http://arcadia.ceid.upatras.gr/arkadia/arcadia-his...

ΑΧΛΑΔΟΚΑΜΠΟΣ (Χωριό) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
18/9/1944

From Greek Mythology
  The area around Achladokambos was important even before recorded history, in the times of Greek Mythology.
  The god Pan, god of wine, revelry, and protector of shepherds, was said to frequent this area. On the peak of Parthenio mountain, where today stands the small church of the Virgin Mary, was an altar dedicated to the worship of the god Pan, as was mentioned by the historian Herodotus. At the foot of the same mountain there is also a spring and a cave known as "Panikovi" or "Pinikovi" which come from the name of the god.
  Another revered god in the area was Artemis, one of the 12 Olympian deities, daughter of Zeus and from whom the mountain "Artemission" gets its name. There are two altars of the goddess in the area of Achladokambos. The first was in a place called "Portes", near the peak of the mountain, and the second was in a place called "Potamia", near the road leading to Tripoli.
From Ancient History
  The first reference in history of the Achladokambos area dates back to 720 BC, under the name Isia, which was a stronghold that served as a front line defense for the kingdom of Argos during the wars between Argos and Sparta, as recorded by historians Thucydides and Pausanias. In 417 BC, the city was destroyed completely by the Spartans. Ruins of the ancient city walls can be found east of the church of the Assumption of the Theotokos near the village. The name Isia, which means wild boar, was used again in 1833, under king Otto I, as the name of a city including Achladokambos, which was abandoned in 1912.
From Byzantine times
  In 1295, Gen. Andronicus Asan selected the mountain just to the west of Achladokambos, called Mouchli, to be the site for a fortress. This fortress eventually evolved into a Byzantine city. It was a city which, like Mystras, exemplified the authority of the Byzantine empire. In 1458, 5 years after the fall of Constantinopole, the fortress Mouchli surrendered to the Ottoman forces. In the following years, the citizens abandoned the city. The remnants of the city wall still exist today as do the remnants of the church of the Theotokos "Mouchliotisa".
Under Turkish occupation
  In the 17th century we find the first use of the name Achladokambos. At that time the small villages in the area united and chose the name Achladokambos. The first homes were built at the upper end of where the village stands today. The first settlers chose that spot in order to be close to the spring, far from the Turkish passage and to use the mountains as an area of retreat and safety. Since it was built on the only road between Argos and Tripoli, Achladokambos was a well known stopover for travelers and soldiers who would spend the night there.
During the revolution and liberation of Greece
  Because of its location, Achladokambos found itself in a position critical to the revolution of 1821.
  To stop the revolution, the Turks sent soldiers from Ioannina to the area and on May 1, 1821 Achladokambos was pillaged.
  In July of 1822, Achladokambos became the central military outpost of Gen. Kolokotronis in fighting off the invasion by Dramali who was sent as reenforcements to end the revolution. As was recorded by Fotakos, a historian and an assistant to Kolokotroni, Kolokotroni arrived in Achladokambos on July 9, 1822 and gave the order for all the soldiers of the revolution to gather in Achladokambos. The army was organized at the location "Nera" and then embarked to meet the Turks at the historical battle at Dervenakia.
  In 1825, the Turks brought in General Imbraim of Egypt to fight the Greeks. He marched his army towards Tripoli, and Kolokotroni, to stop him, met this much larger army of 12,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry at Achladokambos. On June 13, 1825, Achladokambos was completely destroyed by Imbraim. This event motivated many young men and boys to join the revolution.
  In 1822, there lived in Achladokambos about 100 families. In the national archives of Greece, there are listed on a record of fighters, dated May 23, 1865, 49 men from Achladokambos.
During modern times
  During the period of 1850-1940, Achladokambos produced many scholars and educated men in comparison to its population of 400 families, at its peak towards the end of the period. Among them were doctors, teachers, professors, lawyers, judges, high ranking military and police officers, high ranking state officials, engineers, bankers, minister of the government and even two Chief Justices of the Areos Pagos, the Supreme Court in Greece.
  In 1890, the first wave of emigrants left the village, primarily to America, most bound for Chicago. At that time, most of Greece was still under Turkish occupation, and Greece's border was drawn just north of Athens, near Larissa.
  In 1912, the Balkan wars broke out and many of the founding members of the Brotherhood returned to Greece to fight against the Turks to liberate the rest of Greece.
During the 1940s
  There was much suffering in Achladokambos. Many men left to fight the Italian invasion in Albania, in which the Greek army was successful. However, when German forces moved south and broke the Greek lines, Achladokambos was soon occupied and suffered greatly. Finally Achladocambos becomes a holocaust one more time during the civil war that followed the German retreat contesting the form of government that was to be adapted by the newly liberated Greece.
  It is said that the worst war is civil war. In all of Achladokambos' history, its blackest day came during the civil war, on September 18, 1944. Different groups had taken up arms during the German occupation. After the Germans left, some armed groups wished to take over the village but its people decided not to surrender. A bloody battle followed on September 18, 1944 and Achladokambos lived through two days of hell. In the end, 52 people from Achladokambos were dead, most killed after the invaders entered the village.
  Many of today's members of the Brotherhood were in Achladokambos during those dark days.
  In all its history, this decade was Achladokambos' harshest. The battles with the Italians and the Germans, the invasion, the occupation, September 18th, the Guerilla war (1946-1949) and the poverty following all this strife left Achladokambos, like much of Greece, destitute. With little arable land and opportunity for work, some members of the village found emigration as the answer. Over 350 people left the village in the 1950s, with the most popular destination being Chicago.
  It can be said that the decade of the 1940s marked the beginning of the decline of Achladokambos which was sealed by the mass emigration of its youth that followed.
The text is cited Sep 2004 from the Brotherhood Achladokambiton St. Demetrios' URL below

• http://www.axladokambos.org/information.htm

ΒΡΕΣΘΕΝΑ (Χωριό) ΟΙΝΟΥΝΤΑΣ

• http://www.dimaras.gr/vresthena/history.htm

Ithome

ΙΘΩΜΗ (Βουνό) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
  Mountain of southwestern Peloponnese, north of Messene.
  This mountain served as a refuge to Helots in rebellion against Sparta in 464. When, about a century later, Epaminondas, the Theban general, after his victory over Sparta at Leuctra (371) freed the Messenian Helots of Sparta's dominion, it is at the foot of Mount Ithome that they built their capital city, Messene.

Bernard Suzanne (page last updated 1998), ed.
This text is cited July 2003 from the Plato and his dialogues URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks.

• http://plato-dialogues.org/tools/loc/ithome.htm

Κόρινθος

ΚΟΡΙΝΘΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ

• http://www.sikyon.com/Korinth/history_gr.html

  The favourable position of Corinth for commerce could not have escaped the notice of the Phoenicians, who had settlements on other parts of the Grecian coast. There can be little doubt that a Phoenician colony at an early period took possession of the Acrocorinthus. If there were no other evidence for this fact, it would have been sufficiently proved by the Oriental character of the worship of Aphrodite in this city, of which a further account is given below. But in addition to this, the recollection of the early Phoenician settlement was perpetuated by the Corinthian mountain called Phoenicaeum (Phoinikaion, Ephor. ap. Steph. B. s. v.), and by the worship of the Phoenician Athena (Phoinike he Athena en Korinthoi, Tzetzes, ad Lycophr. 658.)
  Thucydides mentions (iv. 42) Aeolians as the inhabitants of Corinth at the time of the Dorian invasion; but there can be no doubt that Ionians also formed a considerable part of the population in the earliest times, since Ionians were in possession of the coasts on either side of the Isthmus, and on the Isthmus itself was the most revered seat of Poseidon, the chief deity of the Ionic race. Still the earliest rulers of Corinth are uniformly represented as Aeolians. The founder of this dynasty was Sisyphus, whose cunning and love of gain may typify the commercial enterprise of the early maritime population, who overreached the simple inhabitants of the interior. Under the sway of Sisyphus and his descendants Corinth became one of the richest and most powerful cities in Greece. Sisyphus had two sons, Glaucus and Ornytion. From Glaucus sprang the celebrated hero Bellerophon, who was worshipped with heroic honours at Corinth, and whose exploits were a favoutite subject among the Corinthians down to the latest times. Hence we constantly find upon the coins of Corinth and her colonies the figure of the winged horse Pegasus, which Bellerophon caught at the fountain of Peirene on the Acrocorinthus. Bellerophon, as is well known, settled in Lycia; and the descendants of Ornytion continued to rule at Corinth till the overthrow of the Sisyphid dynasty by the conquering Dorians.
  The most ancient name of the city was Ephyra (Ephure). At what time it exchanged this name for that of Corinth is unknown. Muller, relying upon a passage of Velleius Paterculus (i. 3) supposes that it received the name of Corinth upon occasion of the Dorian conquest; but Homer uses both names indiscriminately. (Ephure, Il. vi. 152, 210; Korinthos, ii. 570, xiii. 664.) According to the Corinthians themselves Corinthus, from whom the city derived its name, was a son of Zeus; but the epic poet Eumelus, one of the Corinthian Bacchiadae, gave a less exalted origin to the eponymous hero. This poet carried up the history of his native place to a still earlier period than the rule of the Sisyphids. According to the legend, related by him, the gods Poseidon and Helios (the Sun) contended for the possession of the Corinthian land. By the award of Briareus Poseidon obtained the Isthmus; and Helios the rock, afterwards called the Acrocorinthus, and then Ephyra, from Ephyra, a daughter of Oceanus and Tethys, and the primitive inhabitant of the country. Helios had two sons Aeetes and Aloeus: to the; former he gave Ephyra, to the latter Asopia (Sicyon). Aeetes, going to Colchis, left his country under the government of Bunus, a son of Hermes; upon whose death Epopeus, the son of Aloeus, obtained Ephyra as well as Asopia. Marathon, the son of Epopeus, who had left the country during his lifetime, returned at his death, and divided his territory between his sons Corinthus and Sicyon, from whom the two towns obtained their names. Corinthus dying without children, the Corinthians invited Medea from Iolcos,as the daughter of Aeetes; and thus her husband Jason obtained the, sovereignty of Corinth. Medea afterwards returned to Iolcos, leaving the throne to Sisyphus, with whom she is said to have been in love. (Paus. i. 1. § 2, i. 3. § 10; Schol. ad Pind. Ol. xiii. 74.) Upon this legend Mr. Grote justly remarks, that the incidents in it are imagined and arranged with a view to the supremacy of Medea; the emigration of Aeetes, and the conditions under which he transferred his sceptre being so laid out as to confer upon Medea an hereditary title to the throne. . . We may consider the legend of Medea as having been originally quite independent of that of Sisyphus, but fitted on to it, in seeming chronological sequence, so as to satisfy the feelings of those Aeolids of Corinth who passed for his descendants. : (Hist. of Greece, vol. i. p. 165, seq.)
  The first really historical fact in the history of Corinth is its conquest by the Dorians. It is said that this conquest was not effected till the generation after the return of the Heracleidae into Peloponnesus. When the Heracleidae were on the point of crossing over from Naupactus, Hippotes, also a descendant of Hercules, but not through Hyllus, slew the prophet Carnus, in consequence of which he was banished for ten years, and not allowed to, take part in the enterprise. His son Aletes, who derived his name from his long wanderings, was afterwards the leader of the Dorian conquerors of Corinth, and the first Dorian king of the city. (Paus. ii. 4. § 3.) It appears from the account of Thucydides (iv. 42) that the Dorian invaders took. possession of the hill called Solygeius, near the Saronic gulf, from which they carried on war against the Aeolian inhabitants of Corinth till they reduced; the city.
  The Dorians, though the ruling class, appear, to have formed only a small proportion of the population of Corinth. The non. Dorian inhabitants, must have been admitted at an early period to the citizenship,; since we find mention of eight Corinthian tribes (panta okto, Phot., Suidas), whereas three was the standard number in all purely Doric states. It was impossible to preserve in a city like Corinth the regular Doric institutions; since the wealth acquired by commerce greatly exceeded the value of landed property, and necessarily conferred upon its possessors, even though not Dorians, great influence and power. Aletes and his descendants held the royal power for 12 generations. Their names and the length of their reign are thus given: Years. Aletes reigned 38, Ixion reigned 38, Agelas reigned 37, Prymnis reigned 35, Bacchis reigned 35, Agelas reigned 30, Eudemus reigned 25, Aristodemes reigned 35, Agemon reigned 16, Alexander reigned 25, Telestes reigned 12, Automenes reigned 1.
  Pausanias speaks as if Prymnis was the last descendant of Aletes, and Bacchis, the founder of a new, though still an Heracleid dynasty; but Diodorus describes all these kings as descendants of Aletes, but in consequence of the celebrity of Bacchis, his successors took the name of Bacchidae in place of that of Aletiadae or Heracleidae. After Automenes had reigned one year, the Bacchiad family, amounting to about 200 persons, determined to abolish royalty, and to elect out of their own number an annual Prytanis. The Bacchiad oligarchy had possession of the government for 90 years, until it was overthrown by Cypselus, with the help of the lower classes, in B.C. 657. (Diod. vi. fragm. 6, p. 635, Wess.; Paus. ii. 4. § 4; Herod. v. 92.) Strabo says (viii. p. 378) that the Bacchiad oligarchy lasted nearly 200 years; but he probably included within this period a portion of the time that the Bacchiads possessed the royal power. The Bacchiads, after their deposition by Cypselus, were for the most part driven into exile, and are said to have taken refuge in different parts of Greece, and even in Italy. (Plut. Lysand. 1; Liv. i. 34.)   According to the mythical chronology the return of the Heracleidae took place in B.C. 1104. As the Dorian conquest of Corinth was placed one generation (30 years) after this event, the reign of Aletes commenced B.C. 1074. His family therefore reigned from B.C. 1074 to 747; and the Bacchiad oligarchy lasted from B.C. 747 to 657.
  Under the Bacchiadae the Corinthians were distinguished by great commercial enterprise. They traded chiefly with the western part of Greece; since the eastern sea was the domain of the Aeginetans. The sea, formerly called the Crissaean from the town of Crissa, was now named the Corinthian after them; and in order to secure the strait which led into the western waters, they founded Molycria opposite the promontory of Rhium (Thuc. iii. 102.) It was under the sway of the Bacchiadae that the important colonies of Syracuse and Corcyra were founded by the Corinthians (B.C. 734), and that a navy of ships of war was created for the first time in Greece; for we have the express testimony of Thucydides that triremes were first built at Corinth. (Thuc. i. 13.) The prosperity of Corinth suffered no diminution from the revolution, which made Cypselus despot or tyrant of Corinth. Both this prince and his son Periander, who succeeded him, were distinguished by the vigour of their administration and by their patronage of commerce and the fine arts. Following the plans of colonization, which had been commenced by the Bacchiadae, they planted numerous colonies upon the western shores of Greece, by means of which they exercised a sovereign power in these seas. Ambracia, Anactorium, Leucas, Apollonia and other important colonies, were founded by Cypselus or his son. Corcyra, which had thrown off the supremacy of Corinth, and whose navy had defeated that of the mother country in B.C. 665, was reduced to subjection again in the reign of Periander. It has been noticed by Miller that all these colonies were sent out from the harbour of Lechaeum on the Corinthian gulf; and that the only colony despatched from the harbour of Cenchreae on the Saronic gulf was the one which founded Potidaea, on the coast of Chalcidice in Macedonia. (Muller, Dor. i. 6. § 7.)
  Cypselus reigned 30 years (B.C. 657-627), and Periander 44 years (B.C. 627-583). For the history of these tyrants the reader is referred to the Dict. of Biogr. s. vv. Periander was succeeded by his nephew Psammetichus, who reigned only three years. He was without doubt overthrown by the Spartans, who put down so many of the Grecian despots about this period. The government established at Corinth, under the auspices of Sparta, was again aristocratical, but apparently of a less exclusive character than that of the hereditary oligarchy of the Bacchiadae. The gerusia was probably composed of certain noble families, such as the Oligaethidae mentioned by Pindar, whom he describes as oikos hameros astois. (Pind. Ol. xiii. 2, 133.) From the time of the deposition of Psammetichus Corinth became an ally of Sparta, and one of the most powerful and influential members of the Peloponnesian confederacy. At an early period the Corinthians were on friendly terms with the Athenians. They refused to assist Cleomenes, king of Sparta, in restoring Hippias to Athens, and they lent the Athenians 20 ships to carry on the war against Aegina (Herod. v. 92; Thuc. i. 41); but the rapid growth of the Athenian power after the Persian war excited the jealousy of Corinth; and the accession of Megara to the Athenian alliance was speedily followed by open hostilities between the two states. The Corinthians marched into the territory of Megara, but were there defeated with great loss by the Athenian commander, Myronides, B.C. 457. (Thuc. i. 103-106.) Peace was shortly afterwards concluded; but the enmity which the Corinthians felt against the Athenians was still further increased by the assistance which the latter afforded to the Corcyraeans in their quarrel with Corinth. This step was the immediate cause of the Peloponnesian war; for the Corinthians now exerted all their influence to persuade Sparta and the other Peloponnesian states to declare war against Athens.
  In the Peloponnesian war the Corinthians at first furnished the greater part of the Peloponnesian fleet. Throughout the whole war their enmity against the Athenians continued unabated; and when the Spartans concluded with the latter in B.C. 421 the peace, usually called the peace of Nicias, the Corinthians refused to be parties to it, and were so indignant with Sparta, that they endeavoured to form a new Peloponnesian league with Argos, Mantineia and Elis. (Thuc. v. 17, seq.) But their anger against Sparta soon cooled down (Thuc. v. 48); and shortly afterwards they returned to the Spartan alliance, to which they remained faithful till the close of the war. When Athens was obliged to surrender to the Spartans after the battle of Aegospotami, the Corinthians and Boeotians urged them to raze the city to the ground. (Xen. Hell. ii. 2. 19)
  But after Athens had been effectually humbled, and Sparta began to exercise sovereignty over the rest of Greece, the Corinthians and other Grecian states came to be jealous of her increasing power. Tithraustes, the satrap of Lydia, determined to avail himself of this jealousy, in order to stir up a war in Greece against the Spartans, and thus compel them to recall Agesilaus from his victorious career in Asia. Accordingly he sent over Timocrates, the Rhodian, to Greece with the sum of 50 talents, which he was to distribute among the leading men in the Grecian states, and thus excite a war against Sparta, B.C. 395. (Xen. Hell. iii. 5. 2) Timocrates had no difficulty in executing his commission; and shortly afterwards the Corinthians united with their old enemies the Athenians as well as with the Boeotians and Argives in declaring war against Persia. Deputies from these states met at Corinth to take measures for the prosecution of the war, which was hence called the Corinthian war. In the following year, B.C. 394, a battle was fought near Corinth between the allied Greeks and the Lacedaemonians, in which the latter gained the victory (Xen. Hell. iv. 2. 9, seq.) Later in the same year the Corinthians fought a second battle along with the other allies at Coroneia in Boeotia, whither they had marched to oppose Agesilaus, who had been recalled from Asia by the Persians, and was now on his march homewards. The Spartans again gained the victory, but not without much loss on their own side. (Xen. Hell. 3 § 15, seq., Ages. ii. 9. seq.)
  In B.C. 393 and 392 the war was carried on in the Corinthian territory, the Spartans being posted at Sicyon and the allies maintaining a line across the Isthmus from Lechaeum to Cenchreae, with Corinth as the centre. A great part of the fertile plain between Sicyon and Corinth belonged to the latter state; and the Corinthian proprietors suffered so much from the devastation of their lands, that many of them became anxious to renew their old alliance with Sparta. A large number of the other Corinthians participated in these feelings, and the leading men in the government, who were violently opposed to Sparta, became so alarmed at the wide-spread disaffection among the citizens, that they introduced a body of Argives into the city during the celebration of the festival of the Eucleia, and massacred numbers of the opposite party in the market-place and in the theatre. The government, being now dependent upon Argos, formed a close union with this state, and is said to have even incorporated their Corinthian territory with that of Argos, and to have given the name of Argos to their own city. But the opposition party at Corinth, which was still numerous, contrived to admit Praxitas, the Lacedaemonian commander at Sicyon, within the long walls which connected Corinth with Lechaeum. In the space between the walls, which was of considerable breadth, and about 1 1/2 mile in length, a battle took place between the Lacedaemonians and the Corinthians, who had marched out of the city to dislodge them. The Corinthians, however, were defeated, and this victory was followed by the demolition of a considerable part of the long walls by Praxitas. The Lacedaemonians now marched across the Isthmus, and captured Sidus and Crommyon. These events happened in B.C. 392. (Xen. Hell. iv. 4. 1, seq.)
  The Athenians, feeling that their own city was no longer secure from an attack of the Lacedaemonians, marched to Corinth in the following year (B.C. 391), and repaired the long walls between Corinth and Lechaeum; but in the course of the same summer Agesilaus and Teleutias not only retook the long walls, but also captured Lechaeum, which was now garrisoned by Lacedaemonian troops. (Xen. Hell/ iv. 4. 18, 19; Diod. xiv. 86, who erroneously places the capture of Lechaeum in the preceding year; see Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. ix. p. 471, seq.) These successes, however, of the Lacedaemonians were checked by the destruction in the next year (B.C. 390) of one of their morae by Iphicrates, the Athenian general, with his peltasts or light-armed troops. Shortly afterwards Agesilaus marched back to Sparta; whereupon Iphicrates retook Crommyon, Sidus, Peiraeum and Oenoe, which had been garrisoned by Lacedaemonian troops. (Xen. Hell. iv. 5. 1, seq.) The Corinthians appear to have suffered little from this time to the end of the war, which was brought to a conclusion by the peace of Antalcidas in B.C. 387. The effect of this peace was the restoration of Corinth to the Lacedaemonian alliance: for as soon as it was concluded, Agesilaus compelled the Argives to withdraw their troops from the city, and the Corinthians to restore the exiles who had been in favour of the Lacedaemonians. Those Corinthians who had taken an active part in the massacre of their fellow-citizens at the festival of the Eucleia fled from Corinth, and took refuge, partly at Argos, and partly at Athens. (Xen. Hell. v. 1. 34; Dem. c. Lept. p. 473.)
  In the war between Thebes and Sparta, which soon afterwards broke out the Corinthians remained faithful to the latter; but having suffered much from the war, they at length obtained permission from Sparta to conclude a separate peace with the Thebans. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. 6, seq.) In the subsequent events of Grecian history down to the Macedonian period, Corinth took little part. The government continued to be oligarchical; and the attempt of Timophanes to make himself tyrant of Corinth was frustrated by his murder by his own brother Timoleon, B.C. 344. (Diod. xvi. 65; Plut. Tim. 4; Cornel. Nep. Tim. 1; Aristot. Polit. v. 5. § 9.) From the time of the battle of Chaeroneia, Corinth was held by the Macedonian kings, who always kept a strong garrison in the important fortress of the Acrocorinthus. In B.C. 243 it was surprised by Aratus, delivered from the garrison of Antigonus Gonatas, and annexed to the Achaean league. (Pol. ii. 43.) But in B.C. 223 Corinth was surrendered by the Achaeans to Antigonus Doson, in order to secure his support against the Aetolians and Cleomenes. (Pol. ii. 52, 54.) It continued in the hands of Philip, the successor of Antigonus Doson; but after the defeat of this monarch at the battle of Cynoscephalae, B.C. 196, Corinth was declared free by the Romans, and was again united to the Achaean league. The Acrocorinthus, however, as well as Chalcis and Demetrias, which were regarded as the three fortresses of Greece, were occupied by Roman garrisons. (Pol. xviii. 28, 29; Liv. xxxiii. 31.)
  When the Achaeans were mad enough to enter into a contest with Rome, Corinth was the seat of government of the Achaean league, and it was here that the Roman ambassadors were maltreated, who had been sent to the League with the ultimatum of the senate. The Achaean troops were at once defeated, and L. Mummius entered Corinth unopposed. The vengeance which he took upon the unhappy city was fearful. All the males were put to the sword, and the women and children sold as slaves. Corinth was the richest city in Greece, and abounded in statues, paintings, and other works of art. The most valuable works of art were carried to Rome; and after it had been pillaged by the Roman soldiers, it was at a given signal set on fire; and thus was extinguished what Cicero calls the lumen totius Graeciae (B.C. 146). (Strab. viii. p. 381; Pol. xl. 7; Pans. ii. 1. § 2, vii. 16. § 7; Liv. Epit. 52; Flor. ii. 16; Oros. v. 3; Vell. Pat. i. 13: Cic. pro Leg. Man. 5)
  Corinth remained in ruins for a century. The site on which it had stood was devoted to the gods, and was not allowed to be inhabited (Macrob. Sat. iii. 9); a portion of its territory was given to the Sicyonians, who undertook the superintendence of the Isthmian games (Strab. viii. p. 381); the remainder became part of the ager publicus, and was consequently included in the vectigalia of the Roman people. (Lex Thoria, c. 50; Cic. de Leg. Agr. i. 2, ii. 19.) The greater part of its commerce passed over to Delos. In B.C. 46 Julius Caesar determined to rebuild Corinth, and sent a numerous colony thither, consisting of his veterans and freedmen. (Strab. viii. p. 381; Paus. ii. 1. § 2; Plut. Caes. 57; Dion Cass. xliii. 50; Diod. Excerpt. p. 591, Wess.; Plin. iv. 4. s. 5.) Henceforth it was called on coins and inscriptions COLONIA IVLIA CORINTHVS, also LAYS IVLI CORINT., and C. I. C. A., i. e., Colonia Julia Corinthus Augusta. The colonists were called Corinthienses, and not Corinthii, as the ancient inhabitants had been named. (Festus, p. 60, ed. Muller.) It soon rose again to be a prosperous and populous city; and when St. Paul visited it about 100 years after it had been rebuilt by the colony of Julius Caesar, it was the residence of Junius Gallio, the proconsul of Achaia. (Acta Apost. xviii. 12.) St. Paul founded here a flourishing Christian church, to which he addressed two of his epistles. When it was visited by Pausanias in the second century of the Christian era, it contained numerous public buildings, of which he has given us an account; and at a still later period it continued to be the capital of Achaia. (Hierocl. p. 646; Bockh, Inscr. Graec. no. 1086.)

This extract is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

ΚΟΡΩΝΗ (Κωμόπολη) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ

• http://www.geocities.com/greekcastles/koroni.htm

Cynouria (Kynouria) through the centuries

ΚΥΝΟΥΡΙΑ (Επαρχία) ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ

• http://www.zafeiris.gr/kynouria/histor.htm

ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΩΝ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ

Project Gutenberg File
• http://www.nalanda.nitc.ac.in/resources/english/et...

Messene

ΜΕΣΣΗΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΙΘΩΜΗ
  City of southwestern Peloponnese, west of Sparta, in the district of Messenia. Messenia had been conquered by Sparta during the VIIIth century B. C., and most of its population had become slaves of Sparta, under the name “Helots”, so that an earlier city by the name of Messene no longer existed.
  Some fleeing Messenian eventually ended up in Sicily, where they took over the city of Zancle and rebaptized it Messina in memory of their former city.
  After Epaminondas, the Theban general, following his victory over Sparta at Leuctra (371), freed the Messenian Helots of Sparta's dominion, they rebuilt Messene at the foot of Mount Ithome.

Bernard Suzanne (page last updated 1998), ed.
This text is cited July 2003 from the Plato and his dialogues URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks.

• http://plato-dialogues.org/tools/loc/messene.htm

Messenia

ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ (Αρχαία περιοχή) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
  District of southwestern Peloponnese, west of Sparta, around the city of Messene.
  Messenia had been conquered by Sparta during the VIIIth century B. C., and most of its population had become slaves of Sparta, under the name “Helots”. It was freed of Spartan dominion by Epaminondas, the Theban general, following his victory over Sparta at Leuctra in 371.

Bernard Suzanne (page last updated 1998), ed.
This text is cited July 2003 from the Plato and his dialogues URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks.

• http://plato-dialogues.org/tools/loc/messenia.htm

ΜΟΛΑΟΙ (Κωμόπολη) ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ

• http://www.gianniskofinas.com/lakonia/d_molaon/mol...

Ιστορία της Σικυώνος

ΣΙΚΥΩΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΚΟΡΙΝΘΙΑ

• http://www.sikyon.com/Sicyon/shistory1_gr.html

ΣΠΑΡΤΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ

History of Sparta, From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
• http://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Sparta

Amyklai

ΑΜΥΚΛΑΙ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΣΠΑΡΤΗ
  According to Pausanias, an Achaian or pre-Dorian stronghold, incorporated by conquest as the fifth village of Sparta probably early in the 8th c. B.C. Excavation has been almost entirely confined to the hill of Haghia Kyriaki about 5 km S of Sparta. The prehistoric settlement, which spanned the entire Bronze Age, was concentrated on the SE slopes; the historical site may have extended in an arc from N of the hill to modern Amyklae.
  A little way down the hill, immediately outside and below a terrace wall, a small stratified deposit, composed of debris accumulated discontinuously between the Byzantine and Early Mycenaean periods, has been identified.
  The Sanctuary of Apollo was laid out in the 8th c. Its centerpiece was the tomb (presumably an earthen tumulus) of Hyakinthus, a pre-Greek divinity whose cult was conflated with that of Apollo in the annual festival of the Hyakinthia. In the 7th or early 6th c. a 15 m-high statue of Apollo was fashioned in the form of a cylinder with arms (holding spear and bow) and helmeted head. About 550 B.C. the face of Apollo was plated with Lydian gold, a gift from King Croesus, and shortly thereafter Bathykles of Magnesia designed the Doric-Ionic complex later known as the throne of Apollo. The cult statue was set on an altar faced with stone reliefs depicting mythological scenes; similar reliefs decorated the interior and exterior friezes of the surrounding superstructure, whose main entrance was formed by four half-columns crowned by console capitals. The rich archaic dedications include bronze vessels and figurines, terracotta figurines (mainly female), and a few lead and ivory pieces; pottery was comparatively scarce. A contemporary deposit of over 10,000 dedications to Alexandra-Kassandra has been excavated at Haghia Paraskevi nearby; these and sporadic finds from the neighborhood confirm the evidence of Haghia Kyriaki that Amyklaean material culture, like that of Sparta, reached its zenith in the 7th and 6th c. There is nothing noteworthy among the later finds.

P. Cartledge, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.

• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Παλαιομονάστηρο

ΒΡΟΝΤΑΜΑΣ (Χωριό) ΣΚΑΛΑ
  Κοντά στον Βρονταμά, χτισμένο στα βράχια, το Παλαιομονάστηρο του 12ου αιώνα. Μνημείο θυσίας του Αγώνα. Στις 15 Σεπτεμβρίου 1825 κλεισμένοι 500 Βρονταμίτες κάηκαν ζωντανοί από τα στίφη του Αιγύπτιου Ιμπραήμ, όταν αρνήθηκαν να παραδοθούν. Την ημέρα αυτή ο Δήμος Σκάλας τελεί εδώ μνημόσυνο.
Το κείμενο (απόσπασμα) παρατίθεται το Μάρτιο 2004 από τουριστικό φυλλάδιο της Νομαρχίας Λακωνίας.

Το έλασμα του Αριστομένη

ΙΘΩΜΗ (Αρχαία ακρόπολη) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
Κοντά στην Ιθώμη βρήκε ο Επιτέλης, ο Αργείος στρατηγός, το περίφημο έλασμα του Αριστομένη, μετά από υπόδειξη του μυθικού ήρωα Καύκωνα που του παρουσιάστηκε σε όραμα. Το έλασμα με το τελετουργικό των θεών και η βοήθεια του Επιτέλη, υπό τις διαταγές του Επαμεινώνδα, ανέστησαν τη Μεσσηνία που είχε υποταγεί στους Σπαρτιάτες μετά τον Τρίτο Μεσσηνιακό πόλεμο.

Aristomenes capture the maidens of Artemis

ΚΑΡΥΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΑ
(Aristomenes) . . he was making an attack by night on Sparta itself, but was deterred by the appearance of Helen and of the Dioscuri. But he lay in wait by day for the maidens who were performing the dances in honor of Artemis at Caryae, and capturing those who were wealthiest and of noblest birth, carried them off to a village in Messenia, entrusting them to men of his troop to guard, while he rested for the night. [10] There the young men, intoxicated, I suppose, and without any self-control, attempted to violate the girls. When Aristomenes attempted to deter them from an action contrary to Greek usage, they paid no attention, so that he was compelled to kill the most disorderly. He released the captives for a large ransom, maidens, as when he captured them.

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Messenia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Mercenarii

ΚΟΡΙΝΘΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ
   (misthotoi, misthophoroi, xenoi, and collectively to xenikon). Mercenary troops. Apart from a few earlier examples of the employment of mercenaries, a regular organization of such troops was formed among the Greeks in the course of the Peloponnesian War. . . One of the chief recruiting places in the fourth century was Corinth, and afterwards for a time the district near the promontory of Taenarum in Lacedaemon.

This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Nov 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Perseus: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Ορεσθάσιοι και Φιγαλείς

ΟΡΕΣΘΕΙΟΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΒΑΛΤΕΤΣΙ
Κατά την επίθεσή τους κατά της Αρκαδίας οι Λακεδαιμόνιοι εισέβαλαν στη Φιγαλεία, νίκησαν τους κατοίκους της σε μάχη και άρχισαν πολιορκία. Οταν το τείχος κινδύνευε να κυριευτεί οι Φιγαλείς, οι οποίοι είτε απέδρασαν είτε έφυγαν υπόσπονδοι στους Λακεδαιμόνιους, ζήτησαν χρησμό στους Δελφούς για την απελευθέρωση της πόλης τους. Ο χρησμός που τους δόθηκε όριζε ότι η Φιγαλεία θα ελευθερωνόταν μόνο αν πολεμούσαν και σκοτώνονταν εκατό διαλεχτοί Ορεσθάσιοι. Η βεβαιότητα του θανάτου δεν πτόησε τους Ορεσθάσιους, οι οποίοι πολέμησαν με ενθουσιασμό εναντίων των Λακεδαιμονίων και πράγματι σκοτώθηκαν όλοι, έτσι όμως εκπληρώθηκε ο χρησμός και ελευθερώθηκε η Φιγαλεία (Παυσ. 8,39,3-5).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Arcadia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

ΤΡΑΧΗΛΑ (Χωριό) ΛΕΥΚΤΡΑ
H Τραχήλα διέπρεψε στην φυγάδευση συμμαχικών στρατευμάτων που είχαν αποκοπεί από τις μονάδες τους λόγω της ταχείας προέλασης των Ναζιστικών στρατευμάτων. Πρόκειται για τους Βρετανούς, Νεοζηλανδούς και Αυστραλούς στρατιώτες που βρίσκονταν στην περιοχή. Οι Τραχηλιώτες "όπως και άλλοι κάτοικοι των άλλων Διαμερισμάτων του Δήμου Λεύκτρου" τους έκρυψαν και έθρεψαν όσο καλύτερα μπορούσαν, προφυλάσσοντας τους από τους Ναζί. Παράδειγμα προς μίμηση είναι η ενέργεια ενός Τραχηλιώτη που πρόλαβε και ειδοποίησε τους Βρετανούς να φύγουν και οι Ναζί απειλούσαν το χωριό γιατί όπως έλεγαν βρήκαν τα σκεπάσματα των Βρετανών ζεστά. Ο τραχηλιώτης αυτός βρίσκεται εν ζωή και λέγεται Κωνσταντινέας Αντώνιος του Γεωργίου. Οι Τραχηλιώτες ενεργώντας κατάλληλα και με συνεργία κατοίκων γειτονικών χωριών, πέτυχαν να συνδεθούν με τη Μέση-Ανατολή και ύστερα από συνεννόηση, εστάλησαν υποβρύχια και τους παρέλαβαν. Σχετικό έγγραφο ευχαριστιών στάλθηκε από την Κυβέρνηση της Νέας Ζηλανδίας ..

Το κείμενο παρατίθεται το Οκτώβριο 2001 από ιστοσελίδα του Δήμου Λεύκτρου

Οι Επιδαύριοι οικίζουν τη Σάμο

ΕΠΙΔΑΥΡΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
The inhabitants of the island Samos received the Ionians as settlers more of necessity than through good.will. The leader of the Ionians was Procles, the son of Pityreus, Epidaurian himself like the greater part of his followers, who had been expelled from Epidauria by Deiphontes and the Argives. This Procles was descended from Ion, son of Xuthus.

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Achaia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Cerynea of Achaia receives settlers from Mycenae

ΜΥΚΗΝΕΣ (Μυκηναϊκό ανάκτορο) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
After Helice you will turn from the sea to the right and you will come to the town of Ceryneia. It is built on a mountain above the high road, and its name was given to it either by a native potentate or by the river Cerynites, which, flowing from Arcadia and Mount Ceryneia, passes through this part of Achaia. To this part came as settlers Mycenaeans from Argolis because of a catastrophe. Though the Argives could not take the wall of Mycenae by storm, built as it was like the wall of Tiryns by the Cyclopes, as they are called, yet the Mycenaeans were forced to leave their city through lack of provisions. Some of them departed for Cleonae, but more than half of the population took refuge with Alexander in Macedonia, to whom Mardonius, the son of Gobryas, entrusted the message to be given to the Athenians. The rest of the population came to Ceryneia, and the addition of the Mycenaeans made Ceryneia more powerful, through the increase of the population, and more renowned for the future. (Paus. 7.25.5-6)

Pausanias, Description of Greece
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Trapezus in Pontus

ΤΡΑΠΕΖΟΥΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΓΟΡΤΥΣ

Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Αζανία

ΑΖΑΝΙΑ (Αρχαία περιοχή) ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ
Στέφανος Βυζάντιος: "έχει η Αζανία πόλεις επτακαίδεκα".

Σχολείο Δολών

ΔΟΛΟΙ (Χωριό) ΑΒΙΑ

• http://www.mani.org.gr/horia/davias/doloi/shol/sh....

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΒΑΛΤΕΤΣΙ
Το 227 π.Χ. κατέλαβε τον οικισμό ο Κλεομένης της Σπάρτης, ενέργεια που έγινε αφορμή για τον Κλεομενικό πόλεμο. Το 223 π.Χ. επεστράφη στους Μεγαλοπολίτες από τον Αντίγονο Δώσωνα που κατέλαβε τον οικισμό.

ΑΙΓΥΤΙΣ (Αρχαία περιοχή) ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ
Την περιοχή κατείχαν οι Σπαρτιάτες μέχρι που την κατέλαβαν οι Αρκάδες και με τη βοήθεια του Επαμεινώνδα την προσάρτησαν στη Μεγαλόπολη (Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Πάπυρος- Λαρούς- Μπριτάννικα, σελ. 332).

Ο Γ' Μεσσηνιακός Πόλεμος

ΑΙΘΑΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ
Η αντίσταση των Αιθιαίων κατά της Σπάρτης το 464 π.Χ, τη χρονιά του μεγάλου σεισμού, προκάλεσε τον Τρίτο Μεσσηνιακό Πόλεμο. Οι Αιθαιείς είχαν ενωθεί με τους Θουριείς και με τους είλωτες της Σπάρτης, που είχαν επαναστατήσει.

Perseus: Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (ed. Richard Crawley, 1910)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

ΚΟΣΤΑ (Λιμάνι) ΚΡΑΝΙΔΙ
Στα περίχωρά της οι Αθηναίοι νίκησαν του Λακεδαιμονίους το 424 π.Χ.

Peloponnesian War

ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ (Περιφέρεια) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ
   A name given to the great contest between Athens and her allies on the one side, and the Peloponnesian confederacy, headed by Sparta, on the other, which lasted from B.C. 431 to 404. The war, which is one of the most memorable and epoch-making in the history of Europe, was a consequence of the jealousy with which Sparta and Athens regarded each other, as States each of which was aiming at supremacy in Greece, as the heads respectively of the Dorian and Ionian races, and as patrons of the two opposite forms of civil government, oligarchy and democracy. The war was eagerly desired by a strong party in each of those States, but it was necessary to find an occasion for commencing hostilities, especially as a truce for thirty years had been concluded between Athens and Sparta in the year B.C. 445. Such an occasion was presented by the affairs of Corcyra and Potidaea. In a quarrel, which soon became a war, between Corinth and Corcyra, respecting Epidamnus, a colony of the latter State (B.C. 436), the Corcyreans applied to Athens for assistance. Their request was granted, as far as the conclusion of a defensive alliance between Athens and Corcyra, and an Athenian fleet was sent to their aid, which, however, soon engaged in active hostilities against the Corinthians. Potidaea, on the isthmus of Pallene, was a Corinthian colony, and, even after its subjection to Athens, continued to receive every year from Corinth certain functionaries or officers (epidemiourgoi). The Athenians, suspecting that the Potidaeans were inclined to join in a revolt, to which Perdiccas, king of Macedon, was instigating the towns of Chalcidice, required them to dismiss the Corinthian functionaries, and to give other pledges of their fidelity. The Potidaeans refused, and, with most of the other Chalcidian towns, revolted from Athens and received aid from Corinth. The Athenians sent an expedition against them, and, after defeating them in battle, laid siege to Potidaea (B.C. 432). The Corinthians now obtained a meeting of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Sparta, in which they complained of the conduct of Athens with regard to Corcyra and Potidaea. After others of the allies had brought their charges against Athens, and after some of the Athenian envoys, who happened to be in the city, had defended the conduct of their State, the Spartans first, and afterwards all the allies, decided that Athens had broken the truce, and they resolved upon immediate war; King Archidamus alone recommended some delay.
    In the interval necessary for preparation, an attempt was made to throw the blame of commencing hostilities upon the Athenians by sending three several embassies to Athens with demands of such a nature as could not be accepted. In the assembly which was held at Athens to give a final answer to these demands, Pericles, who was now at the height of his power, urged the people to engage in the war, and laid down a plan for the conduct of it. He advised the people to bring all their movable property from the country into the city, to abandon Attica to the ravages of the enemy, and not to suffer themselves to be provoked to give them battle with inferior numbers, but to expend all their strength upon their navy, which might be employed in carrying the war into the enemy's territory, and in collecting supplies from subject States; and further, not to attempt any new conquest while the war lasted. His advice was adopted, and the Spartan envoys were sent home with a refusal of their demands, but with an offer to refer the matters in difference to an impartial tribunal, an offer which the Lacedaemonians had no intention of accepting. After this the usual peaceful intercourse between the rival States was discontinued. Thucydides dates the beginning of the war from the early spring of the year B.C. 431, the fifteenth of the thirty years' truce, when a party of Thebans made an attempt, which at first succeeded, but was ultimately defeated, to surprise Plataea.
    The truce being thus openly broken, both parties addressed themselves to the war. The Peloponnesian confederacy included all the States of Peloponnesus except Achaia (which joined them afterwards) and Argos, and without the Peloponnesus, Megaris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, the island of Leucas, and the cities of Ambracia and Anactorium. The allies of the Athenians were Chios and Lesbos, besides Samos and the other islands of the Aegaean which had been reduced to subjection (Thera and Melos, which were still independent, remained neutral), Plataea, the Messenian colony in Naupactus, the majority of the Acarnanians, Corcyra, Zacynthus, and the Greek colonies in Asia Minor, in Thrace and Macedonia, and on the Hellespont. The resources of Sparta lay chiefly in her land forces, which, however, consisted of contingents from the allies, whose period of service was limited; the Spartans were also deficient in money. The Athenian strength lay in the fleet, which was manned chiefly by foreign sailors, whom the wealth collected from the allies enabled them to pay. Thucydides informs us that the cause of the Lacedaemonians was the more popular, as they professed to be deliverers of Greece, while the Athenians were fighting in defence of a dominion which had become odious through their tyranny, and to which the States which yet retained their independence feared to be brought into subjection.
    In the summer of the year B.C. 431 the Peloponnesians invaded Attica under the command of Archidamus, king of Sparta. Their progress was slow, as Archidamus appears to have been still anxious to try what could be done by intimidating the Athenians before proceeding to extremities. Yet their presence was found to be a greater calamity than the people had anticipated; and when Archidamus made his appearance at Acharnae, they began loudly to demand to be led out to battle. Pericles firmly adhered to his plan of defence, and the Peloponnesians returned home. Before their departure the Athenians had sent out a fleet of a hundred sail, which was joined by fifty Corcyrean ships, to waste the coasts of Peloponnesus; and towards the autumn Pericles led the whole disposable force of the city into Megaris, which he laid waste. In the same summer the Athenians expelled the inhabitants of Aegina from their island, which they colonized with Athenian settlers. In the winter there was a public funeral at Athens for those who had fallen in the war, and Pericles pronounced over them an oration, the substance of which is preserved by Thucydides. In the following summer (B.C. 430) the Peloponnesians again invaded Attica under Archidamus, who now entirely laid aside the forbearance which he had shown the year before, and left scarcely a corner of the land unravaged. This invasion lasted forty days. In the meantime, a grievous pestilence broke out in Athens, and raged with the more virulence on account of the crowded state of the city. Of this terrible visitation Thucydides, who was himself a sufferer, has left a minute and apparently faithful description. The murmurs of the people against Pericles were renewed, and he was compelled to call an assembly to defend his policy. He succeeded so far as to prevent any overtures for peace being made to the Lacedaemonians, but he himself was fined, though immediately afterwards he was reelected general. While the Peloponnesians were in Attica, Pericles led a fleet to ravage the coasts of Peloponnesus. In the winter of this year Potidaea surrendered to the Athenians on favourable terms. The next year (B.C. 429), instead of invading Attica, the Peloponnesians laid siege to Plataea. The brave resistance of the inhabitants forced their enemies to convert the siege into a blockade. In the same summer, an invasion of Acarnania by the Ambracians and a body of Peloponnesian troops was repulsed; and a large Peloponnesian fleet, which was to have joined in the attack on Acarnania, was twice defeated by Phormion in the mouth of the Corinthian Gulf. An expedition sent by the Athenians against the revolted Chalcidian towns was defeated with great loss.
    In the preceding year (B.C. 430) the Athenians had concluded an alliance with Sitalces, king of the Odrysae in Thrace, and Perdiccas, king of Macedon, on which occasion Sitalces had promised to aid the Athenians to subdue their revolted subjects in Chalcidice. He now collected an army of 150,000 men, with which he first invaded Macedonia, to revenge the breach of certain promises which Perdiccas had made to him the year before, and afterwards laid waste the territory of the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans, but he did not attempt to reduce any of the Greek cities. About the middle of this year Pericles died. The invasion of Attica was repeated in the next summer (B.C. 428), and immediately afterwards all Lesbos except Methymne revolted from the Athenians, who laid siege to Mitylene. The Mitylenaeans begged aid from Sparta, which was promised, and they were admitted into the Spartan alliance. In the same winter a body of Plataeans, amounting to 220, made their escape from the besieged city in the night, and took refuge in Athens. In the summer of B.C. 427 the Peloponnesians again invaded Attica, while they sent a fleet of forty-two galleys, under Alcidas, to the relief of Mitylene. Before the fleet arrived Mitylene had surrendered, and Alcidas, after a little delay, sailed home. In an assembly which was held at Athens to decide on the fate of the Mitylenaeans, it was resolved, at the instigation of Cleon, that all the adult citizens should be put to death, and the women and children made slaves; but this barbarous decree was repealed the next day. The land of the Lesbians (except Methymne) was seized and divided among Athenian citizens, to whom the inhabitants paid a rent for the occupation of their former property. In the same summer the Plataeans surrendered; they were massacred, and their city was given up to the Thebans, who razed it to the ground. In the year B.C. 426 the Lacedaemonians were deterred from invading Attica by earthquakes. An expedition against Aetolia, under the Athenian general Demosthenes, completely failed; but afterwards Demosthenes and the Acarnanians routed the Ambracians, who nearly all perished. In the winter (B.C. 426-425) the Athenians purified the island of Delos, as an acknowledgment to Apollo for the cessation of the plague. At the beginning of the summer of B.C. 425 the Peloponnesians invaded Attica for the fifth time. At the same time the Athenians, who had long directed their thoughts towards Sicily, sent a fleet to aid the Leontini in a war with Syracuse. Demosthenes accompanied this fleet, in order to act, as occasion might offer, on the coast of Peloponnesus. He fortified Pylus on the coast of Messenia, the northern headland of the modern Bay of Navarino. In the course of the operations which were undertaken to dislodge him, a body of Lacedaemonians, including several noble Spartans, got blockaded in the island of Sphacteria, at the mouth of the bay, and were ultimately taken prisoners by Cleon and Demosthenes. Pylus was garrisoned by a colony of Messenians, in order to annoy the Spartans. After this event the Athenians engaged in vigorous offensive operations, of which the most important was the capture of the island of Cythera by Nicias early in B.C. 424. This summer, however, the Athenians suffered some reverses in Boeotia, where they lost the battle of Delium, and on the coasts of Macedonia and Thrace, where Brasidas, among other exploits, took Amphipolis. The Athenian expedition to Sicily was abandoned, after some operations of no great importance, in consequence of a general pacification of the island, which was effected through the influence of Hermocrates, a citizen of Syracuse. In the year B.C. 423 a year's truce was concluded between Sparta and Athens, with a view to a lasting peace. Hostilities were renewed in B.C. 422, and Cleon was sent to cope with Brasidas, who had continued his operations even during the truce. A battle was fought between these generals at Amphipolis, in which the defeat of the Athenians was amply compensated by the double deliverance which they experienced in the death both of Cleon and Brasidas. In the following year (B.C. 421) Nicias succeeded in negotiating a peace with Sparta for fifty years, the terms of which were a mutual restitution of conquests made during the war and the release of the prisoners taken at Sphacteria. This treaty was ratified by all the allies of Sparta except the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians. This peace never rested on any firm basis. It was no sooner concluded than it was discovered that Sparta had not the power to fulfil her promises, and Athens insisted on their performance. The jealousy of the other States was excited by a treaty of alliance which was concluded between Sparta and Athens immediately after the peace, and intrigues were commenced for the formation of a new confederacy, with Argos at the head. An attempt was made to draw Sparta into alliance with Argos, but it failed. A similar overture subsequently made to Athens met with better success, chiefly through an artifice of Alcibiades, who was at the head of a large party hostile to the peace, and the Athenians concluded a treaty offensive and defensive with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea for one hundred years (B.C. 420). In the year B.C. 418 the Argive confederacy was broken up by their defeat at the battle of Mantinea, and a peace, and soon after an alliance, was made between Sparta and Argos. In the year B.C. 416 an expedition was undertaken by the Athenians against Melos, which had hitherto remained neutral. The Melians surrendered at discretion; all the males who had attained manhood were put to death; the women and children were made slaves; and subsequently five hundred Athenian colonists were sent to occupy the island.
    The fifty years' peace was not considered at an end, though its terms had been broken on both sides, till the year B.C. 415, when the Athenians undertook their daring and tragic expedition to Sicily. Sicily proved a rock against which their resources and efforts were fruitlessly expended. And Sparta, which furnished but a commander and a handful of men for the defence of Syracuse, soon beheld her antagonist reduced, by a series of unparalleled misfortunes, to a state of the utmost distress and weakness. The accustomed procrastination of the Spartans, and the timid policy to which they ever adhered, alone preserved Athens in this critical moment, or at least retarded her downfall. Time was allowed for her citizens to recover from the panic and consternation occasioned by the news of the Sicilian disaster; and instead of viewing hostile fleets, as they had anticipated, ravaging their coasts and blockading the Piraeus, they were enabled still to dispute the empire of the sea and to preserve the most valuable of their dependencies. Alcibiades, whose exile had proved so injurious to his country, since it was to his counsels alone that the successes of her enemies are to be attributed, now interposed in her behalf, and by his intrigues prevented the Persian satrap, Tissaphernes, from placing at the disposal of the Spartan admiral that superiority of force which must at once have terminated the war by the complete overthrow of the Athenian Republic. The temporary revolution which was effected at Athens by his contrivance also, and which placed the State at variance with the fleet and army stationed at Samos, afforded him another opportunity of rendering a real service to his country by moderating the violence and animosity of the latter. The victory of Cynossema and the subsequent successes of Alcibiades, now elected to the chief command of the forces of his country, once more restored Athens to the command of the sea, and, had she reposed that confidence in the talents of her generals which they deserved and her necessities required, the efforts of Sparta and the gold of Persia might have proved unavailing. But the second exile of Alcibiades, and, still more, the iniquitous sentence which condemned to death the generals who fought and conquered at Arginusae, sealed the fate of Athens; and the battle of Aegos Potamos at length terminated a contest which had been carried on, with scarcely any intermission, during a period of twenty-seven years, with a spirit and animosity unparalleled in the annals of warfare. Lysander now sailed to Athens, receiving as he went the submission of the allies, and blockaded the city, which surrendered after a few months (B.C. 404) on terms dictated by Sparta, with a view of making Athens a useful ally by giving the ascendency in the State to the oligarchical party.
    The history of the Peloponnesian War was written by Thucydides, upon whose accuracy and impartiality, as far as his narrative goes, we may place the fullest dependence. His history ended abruptly in the year B.C. 411. For the rest of the war we have to follow Xenophon and Diodorus. The value of Xenophon's history is impaired by his prejudice, and that of Diodorus by his carelessness.

This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Perseus: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

ΑΕΤΟΣ (Χωριό) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
1825 - 1826
Λόγω της οχυράς θέσης του, λειτούργησε στρατόπεδο των Ελλήνων τον καιρό του Ιμπραήμ.

Επάριτοι

ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ (Αρχαία περιοχή) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ
Epariti (eparitoi). A corps of picked troops in Arcadia, which was formed to preserve the independence of the Arcadian towns, when they became united as one State after the defeat of the Spartans at Leuctra. They were 5000 in number, and were paid by the State. Cf. Hesych. s. v. eparoetoi: Thirlwall, v. 90.

Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Δ΄ Εθνοσυνέλευση του Αργους (1829)

ΑΡΓΟΣ (Πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
Η Δ΄ Εθνική Συνέλευση συγκλήθηκε στο Αργος τον Ιούλιο του 1829. Ενέκρινε ψηφίσματα που αναφέρονταν στην οργάνωση της δημόσιας διοίκησης και συγκρότησε τη Γερουσία, σώμα που ουσιαστικά αντικατέστησε το "Πανελλήνιον".

Ιστοσελίδα Βουλής των Ελλήνων
• http://www.parliament.gr/1821/anafora/ethno.asp

Β΄ Εθνοσυνέλευση του Αστρους Κυνουρίας

ΑΣΤΡΟΣ (Κωμόπολη) ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ
30/3/1823 - 18/4/1823
Με πρόεδρο τον Πέτρο Μαυρομιχάλη (Πετρόμπεη). Η Εθνοσυνέλευση εκείνη, εκτός από άλλα, καθιέρωσε και τα χρώματα της εθνικής μας σημαίας και πήρε μέτρα για την περιφρούρηση της ελευθεροτυπίας.

Ιστοσελίδα Βουλής των Ελλήνων
• http://www.parliament.gr/1821/anafora/ethno.asp

Α΄ Εθνοσυνέλευση της Επιδαύρου

ΕΠΙΔΑΥΡΟΣ (Κωμόπολη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
1821 - 1822
Μετά από εικοσιπέντε περίπου μέρες συζητήσεων, ορίστηκε η ύπαρξη κράτους και κηρύχθηκε η πολιτική ύπαρξη και ανεξαρτησία της Ελλάδας, μέσα σε ατμόσφαιρα επιφανειακά ενθουσιώδη και ύστερα από μακραίωνη δουλεία.

Ιστοσελίδα Βουλής των Ελλήνων
• http://www.parliament.gr/1821/anafora/ethno.asp

Αντωνίνος

ΑΣΚΛΗΠΙΕΙΟ ΕΠΙΔΑΥΡΟΥ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
Roman senator, erects buildings in sanctuary of Aesculapius at Epidaurus, builds cistern on Mt. Cynortium.(Paus. 2.26.6-7)

Antoninus: Perseus Encyclopedia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Επιμηλίδης ο Βοιωτός, 4ος αιώνας π.Χ.

ΚΟΡΩΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΠΕΤΑΛΙΔΙ
Η Κορώνεια ξαναιδρύθηκε τον 4ο αιώνα π.Χ. από τον Επιμηλίδη, απεσταλμένο του Επαμεινώνδα.

Perseus Encyclopedia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Επαμεινώνδας

ΜΕΓΑΛΟΠΟΛΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ
Ο Επαμεινώνδας θεωρείται οικιστής της Μεγαλόπολης, γιατί όχι μόνο παρακίνησε τους Αρκάδες να συνοικιστούν, αλλά τους έστειλε και χίλιους επίλεκτους Θηβαίους για να τους προστατεύσουν σε περίπτωση που θα αντιδρούσαν οι Λακεδαιμόνιοι στο συνοικισμό (Παυσ. 8.27.2, 9.14.4).

Epaminondas: Perseus Encyclopedia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Αντωνίνος Α'

ΠΑΛΛΑΝΤΙΟΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΡΙΠΟΛΗ
Ο Αντωνίνος Α΄ ή Παλαιότερος, όπως τον ονομάζει ο Παυσανίας, έκανε το Παλλάντιο πόλη από κώμη που ήταν και παραχώρησε στους κατοίκους του ελευθερία και απαλλαγή από τους φόρους (Παυσ. 8,43,1). Αλλά και σε άλλες ελληνικές πόλεις φέρθηκε καλά, ανοικοδομώντας κάποιες που γκρεμίστηκαν από σεισμούς και προσφέροντας χρηματική βοήθεια σε όσες είχαν ανάγκη. Εμεινε επίσης γνωστός και για άλλο ένα μέτρο που πήρε με γνώμονα το συμφέρον των πολιτών: Μέχρι την εποχή του, όσοι Ελληνες ήταν Ρωμαίοι πολίτες αλλά τα παιδιά τους θεωρούνταν Ελληνες δεν είχαν δικαίωμα ν' αφήσουν σ' αυτά την περιουσία τους, η οποία περιερχόταν σε ξένους ή στα ταμεία του κράτους. Ο Αντωνίνος Α΄ επέτρεψε σ' αυτούς τους πολίτες ν' αφήνουν την περιουσία τους στα παιδιά τους, δείχνοντας περισσότερο φιλανθρωπία παρά ενδιαφέρον για συσσώρευση πλούτου στα ταμεία του κράτους (Παυσ. 8,43,4-5).

Perseus Encyclopedia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Ηττα των Λακεδαιμονίων από τους Αθηναίους

ΣΦΑΚΤΗΡΙΑ (Νησάκι) ΠΥΛΟΣ
Οι Αθηναίοι αφιέρωσαν μπρούτζινο άγαλμα της Νίκης στην Ακρόπολη για τη νίκη τους στη Σφακτηρία (Παυσ. 4,36,6).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Messenia
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Ο συνοικισμός της Μεγαλόπολης

ΜΕΓΑΛΟΠΟΛΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ
Ο Παυσανίας αναφέρει ότι η Μεγαλόπολη δημιουργήθηκε με το συνοικισμό πολλών αρκαδικών πόλεων τη χρονιά της μάχης των Λεύκτρων, δηλαδή το 371π.Χ. (Παυσ. 8,27,8). Συνήθως όμως πιστεύεται ότι ο συνοισμός έγινε το 368π.Χ, μετά τη μάχη που κέρδισε ο Σπαρτιάτης Αρχίδαμος εναντίον των Αρκαδίων, Μεσσηνίων και Αργείων χωρίς οι Σπαρτιάτες να έχουν καμία απώλεια, γεγονός από το οποίο η μάχη αυτή ονομάστηκε "άδακρυς" (Εκδ. Αθηνών, Παυσανίου Περιήγησις, τόμ. 4, σελ. 293, σημ. 2).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Arcadia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Μεθώνη

ΜΕΘΩΝΗ (Κωμόπολη) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
  Στο νοτιότατο άκρο της δυτικής ακτής της Πελοποννήσου βρίσκεται το απέραντο φρούριο της Μεθώνης. Στην μικρή χερσόνησο, που ήταν ήδη οχυρωμένη από την αρχαιότητα, υπήρχε πάντοτε μια πόλη, φημισμένη για το λιμάνι της. Ταυτίστηκε με την πόλη Πήδασο, την οποία αναφέρει ο Όμηρος με το επίθετο "αμπελόεσσα", σαν την τελευταία από τα επτά "ευναιόμενα πτολίεθρα", που ο Αγαμέμνονας προσέφερε στον Αχιλλέα για να κατευνάσει την οργή του. Ο Θουκυδίδης (2,25) σημειώνει πως η οχύρωση της πόλης στη διάρκεια του Πελοποννησιακού πολέμου (431 π.Χ.) δεν ήταν ισχυρή. Ο Παυσανίας ονομάζει την πόλη Μοθώνη - και τους κατοίκους Μοθωναίους- και αναφέρει πως πήρε το όνομά της είτε από την κόρη του Οινέα είτε από το μικρό νησάκι- που αργότερα οχυρώθηκε- και που λεγόταν "Μόθων λίθος". Ο βράχος προστάτευε το λιμάνι της πόλης και συγχρόνως εμπόδιζε τη θάλασσα να αναταράσσεται με δύναμη. Στη Μεθώνη εγκαταστάθηκαν οι Ναυπλιείς μετά το τέλος του Β' Μεσσηνιακού πολέμου, επειδή εκδιώχθηκαν από τους Αργείους σαν σύμμαχοι των Λακεδαιμονίων. Και μετά την ανεξαρτησία, όμως, της Μεσσηνίας από τους Σπαρτιάτες (369 π.Χ.) οι Ναυπλιείς συνέχισαν να κατοικούν στην περιοχή γιατί είχαν τηρήσει φιλική στάση απέναντι στους επαναπατριζόμενους Μεσσήνιους. Τον 4ο αι. π.Χ. η Μεθώνη ενισχύθηκε με καλύτερες οχυρώσεις και συνέχισε να παραμένει αυτόνομη μέχρι τα αυτοκρατορικά ρωμαϊκά χρόνια, οπότε γνώρισε την εύνοια ορισμένων αυτοκρατόρων. Στη διάρκεια των Βυζαντινών χρόνων εξακολουθούσε να παραμένει αξιόλογο λιμάνι και μια από τις σημαντικές πόλεις της Πελοποννήσου, έδρα ενωρίτατα επισκοπής.
  Οι Βενετοί άρχισαν να έχουν βλέψεις για το λιμάνι της από τον 12ο αιώνα καθώς "βρισκόταν στη μέση του δρόμου Βενετίας Ανατολής". Στα 1125, μάλιστα, είχαν επιτεθεί εναντίον των πειρατών που την χρησιμοποιούσαν σαν καταφύγιο, επειδή είχαν αιχμαλωτίσει Βενετούς εμπόρους που επέστρεφαν από την Ανατολή. Όταν οι Φράγκοι πολιορκούσαν στα 1204 την Κωνσταντινούπολη, ο Γοδεφρείδος Α' Βιλλεαρδουίνος παρασύρθηκε με το πλοίο του στη Μεθώνη, καθώς κατευθυνόταν στην Κωνσταντινούπολη και υποχρεώθηκε να περάσει τον χειμώνα στην περιοχή. Τότε δέχθηκε την πρόσκληση του τοπικού άρχοντα Ιωάννη Καντακουζηνού να τον βοηθήσει να καταλάβει τη Δυτική Πελοπόννησο και "η επιτυχία έστεψε τα όπλα αυτής της αφύσικης συμμαχίας". Όταν ο Καντακουζηνός πέθανε, ο γιος του προσπάθησε να διαλύσει τη συμμαχία, χωρίς επιτυχία, αφού ο Βελλεαρδουίνος είχε καταλάβει πως η κατάκτηση της Πελοποννήσου από τους Λατίνους θα ήταν εύκολο έργο.
  Αρχικά η Μεθώνη μαζί με την Κορώνη παραχωρήθηκαν στον Γοδεφρείδο Βιλλεαρδουίνο. Το Χρονικό του Μορέως αναφέρει την υποδοχή των κατοίκων στους Φράγκους. "Εξέβησαν με τους σταυρούς, ομοίως με εικόνας και ήλθαν κι επροσκύνησαν τον Καμπανέσην εκείνον όλοι του υπομώσασιν δούλοι του ν' αποθάνουν".
  Το 1206, όμως, οι Βενετοί κατέλαβαν τις δύο πόλεις και η κυριαρχία τους επικυρώθηκε την άνοιξη του 1209 με συνθήκη που υπέγραψαν με τον Βιλλεαρδουίνο, ο οποίος έκανε όλες τις απαραίτητες παραχωρήσεις, που θα του εξασφάλιζαν τη βοήθεια της Βενετίας για την τελική υποταγή της Πελοποννήσου. Η ζωή οργανώθηκε και στη Μεθώνη, όπως στην Κορώνη, σύμφωνα με τα συμφέροντα της Βενετίας και οι δύο πόλεις έγιναν οι φρουροί των συμφερόντων της, τα "κυριότερα μάτια της Δημοκρατίας" στους εμπορικούς και ναυτικούς δρόμους από και προς την ανατολή. Οι Βενετοί οχύρωσαν τη Μεθώνη, που αναπτύχθηκε όπως και η Κορώνη, σε σημαντικό εμπορικό κέντρο με μεγάλη ευημερία. Στα βενετσιάνικα αρχεία υπάρχουν λεπτομερείς καταγραφές για την οργάνωση και τη διοίκηση των δύο μεσσηνιακών αποικιών της Βενετίας καθώς επίσης για την εικόνα που παρουσίαζαν στο δεύτερο μισό του 14ου αιώνα και κυρίως μετά το λοιμό, οπότε χρειάστηκε να αποικιστούν με "νέο σώμα αποίκων από τη μητρόπολη".
  Φυσικό ήταν να προκαλέσει τις βλέψεις των Τούρκων, που, παρά τις συνθήκες με τη Βενετία, βολιδοσκοπούσαν την κατάκτηση της περιοχής. Ο Βαγιαζήτ Β' στα τέλη του 1500 συγκέντρωσε τις δυνάμεις του εναντίον της Μεθώνης, "το Πόρτ-Σάιδ της Φράγκικης Ελλάδας, τον σπουδαίο ενδιάμεσο σταθμό μεταξύ Βενετίας και Αγίων Τόπων, όπου κάθε ταξιδιώτης σταματούσε κατά τη διαδρομή του στην Ανατολή. Ένας προσκυνητής που την επισκέφθηκε το 1484 θαύμασε τα γερά τείχη, τις βαθειές τάφρους και τους οχυρούς πύργους" δέκα χρόνια αργότερα ήταν πιο οχυρωμένη. Ο Βαγιαζήτ παρά την στενή πολιορκία δεν θα μπορούσε να την εκπορθήσει, αν οι κάτοικοι ενθουσιασμένοι από την άφιξη ενισχύσεων δεν εγκατέλειπαν τα τείχη, γεγονός που εκμεταλλεύτηκαν οι γενίτσαροι και κατέλαβαν τον πύργο από το παλάτι του κυβερνήτη. Η πόλη παραδόθηκε στη φωτιά, ο Καθολικός επίσκοπος σκοτώθηκε την ώρα που μιλούσε στους πιστούς, ο ανδρικός πληθυσμός αποκεφαλίστηκε, οι γυναίκες και τα παιδιά πουλήθηκαν σαν δούλοι. Στις 9 Αυγούστου 1500 "η Μεθώνη έπεσε αφού παρέμεινε στα χέρια της Βενετίας τριακόσια περίπου χρόνια. Χαρούμενος για το έπαθλό του ο Βαγιαζίτ έκανε τον γενίτσαρο που πρωτανέβηκε στα τείχη σαντάκμπεη, δηλαδή επαρχιακό διοικητή, και την πρώτη Παρασκευή μετά την άλωση, όταν έσβησε η φωτιά, πήγε στη βεβηλωμένη μητρόπολη για να προσφέρει τις ευχαριστίες του στον θεό των μαχών, που όπως ομολόγησε, όταν κοίταζε τη βαθειά τάφρο, του χρώσταγε την κατάκτηση αυτής της οχυρής πόλης". Η ερήμωση ήταν τέτοια ώστε διέταξε να σταλούν από "κάθε χωριό του Μοριά" οικογένειες για να αποκτήσει ξανά πληθυσμό η Μεθώνη. Τα τείχη επιδιορθώθηκαν και η περίοδος της πρώτης τουρκικής κατοχής άρχισε. Το 1531 στο λιμάνι της Μεθώνης πόδισαν οι Ιππότες του Αγίου Ιωάννη με σκοπό να καταλάβουν την άλλοτε βενετσιάνικη αποικία. Αρχικά κατόρθωσαν με σκευωρία να αποβιβαστούν και να εξουδετερώσουν τους φρουρούς. Η κατάληψη, όμως, του φρουρίου δεν ολοκληρώθηκε γιατί έφθασαν τουρκικές ενισχύσεις, που τους ανάγκασαν, αφού λεηλάτησαν την πόλη και συνέλαβαν 1600 αιχμαλώτους, να φύγουν. Στα 1572 τα παράλια της Μεθώνης απειλήθηκαν από τον Don Juan της Αυστρίας, που δεν μπόρεσε, όμως, τελικά να την καταλάβει.
  Σε όλη τη διάρκεια του 16ου και 17ου αιώνα, παρόλο που η μορφή της Μεθώνης δεν έχει αλλάξει η παρακμή σε όλους του τομείς είναι εμφανής. Τον Ιούνιο του 1686 οι δυνάμεις του Μοροζίνι πολιόρκησαν τη Μεθώνη, την οποία στις 10 Ιουλίου οι Τούρκοι εγκατέλειψαν. Τα τείχη, που είχαν υποστεί σημαντική καταστροφή κατά την πολιορκία, επιδιορθώθηκαν και νέοι κάτοικοι στάλθηκαν για να ενισχύσουν το δυναμικό της πόλης. Η δεύτερη, όμως, αυτή περίοδος της Βενετοκρατίας δεν διήρκεσε πολύ. Το 1715 οι Τούρκοι πολιόρκησαν το κάστρο και οι Βενετοί υπερασπιστές τρομοκρατημένοι το εγκατέλειψαν φεύγοντας από την πύλη της θάλασσας. Σ' αυτή τη δεύτερη περίοδο της Τουρκοκρατίας η παρακμή ολοκληρώθηκε. Όπως φαίνεται και από τις περιγραφές των περιηγητών ο πληθυσμός είχε μειωθεί, οι οχυρώσεις βρίσκονταν σε κακή κατάσταση και το λιμάνι είχε επιχωθεί. Το σημαντικότερο εμπόριο που διεξήγετο ήταν αυτό των σκλάβων! Η απογοήτευση που αισθάνονταν οι ταξιδιώτες της εποχής φθάνοντας στο λιμάνι της Μεθώνης, είναι φανερή και στο Οδοιπορικό του F. Chateaubriand, που θεωρεί την ιστορία της "άδοξη".
  Το 1825 ο Ιμπραήμ κατέλαβε τη Μεθώνη και εγκαταστάθηκε στο διοικητήριο, πάνω από την είσοδο του κάστρου. Στο ίδιο κτίριο εγκαταστάθηκε το 1829 ο γάλλος στρατηγός Μαιζόν, που απελευθέρωσε και την πόλη μαζί με άλλες της Πελοποννήσου.
  Σήμερα τα τείχη του φρουρίου, αν και ερειπωμένα εξακολουθούν να είναι επιβλητικά. Το κάστρο της Μεθώνης καταλαμβάνει ολόκληρη την έκταση του ακρωτηρίου της νοτιοδυτικής ακτής μέχρι το μικρό νησάκι, που επίσης οχυρώθηκε με οκταγωνικό πύργο και βρέχεται και από τις τρεις πλευρές από τη θάλασσα. Η βόρεια πλευρά του, αυτή που βλέπει προς τη ξηρά, καταλαμβάνεται από μια ισχυρά οχυρωμένη ακρόπολη. Μια τάφρος βαθιά χωρίζει το κάστρο από την ξηρά και η επικοινωνία αρχικά γινόταν με ξύλινη γέφυρα. Οι Βενετοί επεξέτειναν τις αρχαίες οχυρώσεις και έκαναν διάφορες προσθήκες και επισκευές και στις δύο περιόδους που κατείχαν το κάστρο.
  Η είσοδός του βρίσκεται στη μέση περίπου της βόρειας πλευράς και είναι προσιτή με μια πέτρινη γέφυρα από δεκατέσσερα τόξα, που χτίστηκε πάνω από την τάφρο από τους τεχνικούς της Expedition scientifique de Moree, που συνόδευε τον στρατηγό Μαιζόν. Συγχρόνως ανακαινίστηκε και η πύλη, που με τη μνημειακή μορφή της αποτελεί ένα από τα εντυπωσιακότερα στοιχεία του κάστρου. Το άλλο είναι η έκταση του. Η πύλη της εισόδου απολήγει σε ένα καμπυλόμορφο τόξο και δεξιά και αριστερά φέρει παραστάδες με κορινθιακά κιονόκρανα. Θεωρείται έργο των Βενετών μετά το 1700. Αριστερά και δεξιά της εισόδου διατηρούνται οι δύο μεγάλοι προμαχώνες. Στην ανατολική πλευρά είναι ο προμαχώνας που χτίστηκε από τον στρατηγό Antonio Loredan, κατά τη δεύτερη περίοδο της Βενετοκρατίας.   Τότε διευρύνθηκε και η τάφρος, που περιέβαλε τις οχυρώσεις προς την πλευρά της στεριάς και έγιναν εργασίες στο ανάχωμα, που φέρει και πλάκα με ανάγλυφο το Λιοντάρι του Αγίου Μάρκου. Στη δυτική άκρη βρίσκεται ο προμαχώνας Bembo, που χτίστηκε στη διάρκεια του 15ου αιώνα. Η βόρεια πλευρά του τείχους είχε πάρει την τελική της διαμόρφωση στις αρχές του 18ου αιώνα και αυτήν διατηρεί μέχρι σήμερα. Το ύψος του τείχους σ' αυτήν την πλευρά φθάνει τα 11 μέτρα περίπου και οι δύο προμαχώνες επικοινωνούσαν μεταξύ τους με ένα σκεπαστό πέρασμα. Το τείχος ενισχυόταν με τετράγωνους πύργους στη βορειοανατολική πλευρά και έναν μεγάλο στρογγυλό στη βορειοδυτική. Για την κατασκευή του χρησιμοποιήθηκαν καλοδουλεμένες πέτρες που έφεραν επίχρισμα από κονίαμα. Σε ορισμένα σημεία χρησιμοποιήθηκε αρχαίο οικοδομικό υλικό σε δεύτερη χρήση, ευδιάκριτο σήμερα σε έναν από τους πύργους της βόρειας πλευράς καθώς επίσης και στη νότια πλευρά τους τείχους.
  Αμέσως μετά την κεντρική πύλη ανοίγεται ένας δρόμος, θολοσκέπαστος, που οδηγεί από μια δεύτερη πύλη και μετά σε μια τρίτη στο εσωτερικό του κάστρου, όπου βρισκόταν το κατοικημένο μέρος και χωριζόταν από το βόρειο τμήμα με ένα εγκάρσιο τείχος χαμηλού ύψους (6 μέτρα περίπου), ενισχυμένο με πέντε πύργους (τέσσερις τετράγωνους και έναν οκταγωνικό) χρονολογικά ανήκει στην περίοδο μετά το 1500, όταν οι Τούρκοι προσπαθούσαν να ενισχύσουν τον πληθυσμό αλλά και την οχύρωση του κάστρου. Στο εσωτερικό σώζονται ερείπια από τα σπίτια στα οποία κατοικούσαν την περίοδο της ακμής οι βενετσιάνοι άρχοντες, ο πλακόστρωτος δρόμος που οδηγούσε στην πύλης της θάλασσας, τα ερείπια ενός τουρκικού λουτρού, της βυζαντινής εκκλησίας της Αγίας Σοφίας, κοντά στην οποία βρέθηκε μία πλάκα με λατινικά γράμματα (που χρονολογείται στα 1714), τμήματα δωρικών κιόνων, ένας μονολιθικός κίονας από γρανίτη (1493/4), αράβδωτος, με κιονόκρανο στην κορυφή της βυζαντινής τεχνοτροπίας, όπου υποτίθεται ότι ήταν στημένο είτε το φτερωτό λιοντάρι της Βενετίας ή η προτομή του Μοροζίνι. Γι' αυτό και ονομάζεται "στήλη του Μοροζίνι". Στο κιονόκρανο υπήρχε επιγραφή, που σήμερα δεν σώζεται. Στα αριστερά της εισόδου βρίσκονται τα ερείπια του οικήματος το οποίο χρησιμοποίησε αρχικά σαν κατάλυμα ο Ιμπραήμ Πασάς το 1826 και αργότερα ο στρατηγός Μαιζόν. Οι Γάλλοι του απελευθερωτικού σώματος παρέμειναν στην περιοχή μέχρι το 1833 και σ' αυτούς αποδίδεται η κατασκευή της εκκλησίας της Αγίας Σωτήρας, που σώζεται ακόμη μέσα στο κάστρο. Στο εσωτερικό του κάστρου διατηρούνται επίσης αρκετές δεξαμενές και τα λείψανα του νεκροταφείου των βρετανών αιχμαλώτων κατά τη διάρκεια του Β' Παγκοσμίου πολέμου.
  Στη νότια άκρη του οχυρωματικού περιβόλου υψώνεται η επιβλητική πύλη της θάλασσας, που πρόσφατα αναστηλώθηκε. Αποτελείται από δύο ψηλούς τετράγωνους πύργους (16 μέτρα) που επικοινωνούν μεταξύ τους με μία εξέδρα (18 περίπου μέτρα μήκος και 6 περίπου μέτρα πλάτος) η οποία στέφεται με επάλξεις. Στο κέντρο ανοίγεται η πύλη, που απολήγει στην κορυφή σε καμπύλο τόξο. Οι πύργοι είναι χτισμένοι με μεγάλους πωρόλιθους και στο εσωτερικό τους έφεραν δωμάτια. Από την πύλη, ένας πλακόστρωτος διάδρομος, πάνω από μια μικρή γέφυρα, οδηγεί στο μικρό οχυρωμένο νησάκι, το Μπούρτζι. Εδώ σφαγιάστηκαν πολλοί στρατιώτες και κάτοικοι της Μεθώνης, όταν το 1500 οι Τούρκοι κατέλαβαν το οχυρό.
  Το Μπούρτζι χρονολογείται στην περίοδο μετά το 1500 και χρησιμοποιήθηκε σε διάφορες εποχές και σαν φυλακή. Αποτελείται από ένα διώροφο οκταγωνικό πύργο. Σε κάθε όροφο υπάρχει στηθαίο με οδοντωτές επάλξεις. Ο πύργος απολήγει σε ένα κυκλικό θόλο. Στον κάτω όροφο υπήρχε μία δεξαμενή και το όλο έργο, με μικρή αμυντική σημασία, χρονολογείται στην πρώτη περίοδο που οι Τούρκοι κατείχαν το φρούριο.
  H δυτική πλευρά των τειχών του οχυρωματικού περιβόλου είναι αμελέστερα κατασκευασμένη από τις άλλες. Το τείχος ήταν ενισχυμένο με πέντε τετράγωνους πύργους και χρονολογικά ανήκει στην πρώτη περίοδο, που οι Βενετοί κατείχαν το φρούριο. Η πλευρά αυτή με τα βράχια και την απότομη θάλασσα κάνει δύσκολα ευπρόσβλητο το κάστρο, γι' αυτό ίσως στην κατασκευή του δεν δόθηκε μεγάλη προσοχή. Εξάλλου το τμήμα αυτό του κάστρου φαίνεται πως δέχθηκε τις λιγότερες καταστροφές καθώς και τις λιγότερες επισκευές. Εδώ αποκαλύφθηκαν, στη διάρκεια του Β' Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου, μετά από έκρηξη, τμήματα καλοδουλεμένων δόμων από τα αρχαία τείχη της Μεθώνης. Αρχαίο οικοδομικό υλικό έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί και στα θεμέλια ενός από τους τετράγωνους πύργους. Στο εσωτερικό του τείχους διατηρούνται ερείπια τουρκικών πολεμικών εγκαταστάσεων.
  Η ανατολική πλευρά των τειχών επίσης έφθανε αρχικά μέχρι τη θάλασσα. Σήμερα μπροστά σε αρκετό τμήμα της απλώνεται μια μεγάλη αμμουδιά. Παράλληλα με το ανατολικό τείχος, μέχρι το Μπούρτζι, υπήρχε μόλος και εκεί σχηματιζόταν το μικρό οχυρωμένο λιμάνι (mandrachio), ενώ το μεγάλο βρισκόταν στα βορειοανατολικά, όπου και μπορούσαν να τραβιούνται τα πλοία. Το τείχος και σ' αυτήν την πλευρά ήταν ενισχυμένο με πύργους. Η μακρά ανατολική πλευρά δέχθηκε πολλές επισκευές, που έγιναν στις αρχικές βενετσιάνικες οχυρώσεις του 13ου αιώνα, κυρίως στη δεύτερη Βενετοκρατία και Τουρκοκρατία. Σε έναν από τους πύργους διατηρούνται τμήματα της βυζαντινής οχύρωσης. Στην άκρη της ανατολικής πλευράς υπήρχε μια μικρή πυλίδα προστατευμένη με πύργο. Στη νοτιοανατολική άκρη διατηρούνται τα ερείπια ενός τουρκικού πύργου.
  Σε διάφορα σημεία της οχύρωσης σώζονται βενετσιάνικα εμβλήματα με το φτερωτό λιοντάρι του Αγίου Μάρκου και επιγραφές. Όπως στη βόρεια πλευρά του προμαχώνα Loredan, όπου υπάρχει πλάκα με επιγραφή από την εποχή που ο στρατηγός Loredan είχε αναλάβει διοικητής στην Πελοπόννησο. Στον βόρειο τοίχο του, δεξιά της κεντρικής εισόδου, υπάρχει επίσης πλάκα με τα εμβλήματα των οικογενειών Foscarini, Foscolo και Bembo, στον οποίο η επιγραφή αποδίδει και την κατασκευή του προμαχώνα Bembo λίγο πριν το 1500. Το κάστρο της Μεθώνης προβάλλει σήμερα έρημο κι απομονωμένο.
   Όταν οι χειμωνιάτικοι άνεμοι το χτυπούν τότε λένε οι ντόπιοι πως μπορείς να ακούσεις τις κραυγές των φυλακισμένων και των αδικοσκοτωμένων στο Μπούρτζι.
  Η καλύτερη ώρα για να χαρεί κανείς τη Μεθώνη είναι το δειλινό από τον απέναντι λόφο. Τότε το φως του ήλιου, που ετοιμάζεται να χαθεί στην πλευρά του Ιονίου, γλιστράει πάνω στα ογκώδη τείχη στεφανώνοντάς τα με μουντές αποχρώσεις. Παντού κυριαρχεί μια άπιαστη γαλήνη.
Το ανωτέρω κείμενο προέρχεται από το βιβλίο «Κάστρα της Πελοποννήσου» Αθήνα 1993 , των εκδόσεων ΑΔΑΜ

Το κείμενο παρατίθεται τον Μάρτιο 2004 από την ακόλουθη ιστοσελίδα, με φωτογραφίες, του Δήμου Μεθώνης

• http://www.methoni.gr/gr/history.htm (28 φωτ.)

Από Αρχέλαο & Χαρίλαο

ΑΙΓΥΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΠΕΛΛΑΝΑ
Την Αίγυν εξανδραπόδισε ο βασιλιάς Αρχέλαος, γιατί πίστευε ότι οι κάτοικοί της είχαν φιλοαρκαδικά φρονήματα. Στον εξανδραποδισμό της πόλης τον βοήθησε ο Χαρίλαος, συμβασιλεύς από την άλλη οικογένεια (Παυσ. 3,2,5).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Laconia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By Philip the Macedon

ΑΚΡΙΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΕΛΟΣ
Sending out (Philip) his foragers from here (Gythium) he set fire to every part of it, destroying the crops, and carried his devastation even as far as Acriae, Leucae, and Boeae. (Polybius 5,19)

By the Athenians

ΑΛΙΕΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΚΡΑΝΙΔΙ
Putting out (Athenians) from Epidaurus, they laid waste the territory of Troezen, Halieis, and Hermione, all towns on the coast of Peloponnese

Perseus: Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (ed. Richard Crawley, 1910)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

At the conclusion of this year Philocles was archon in Athens, and in Rome Aulus Postumius Regulus and Spurius Furius Mediolanus succeeded to the consulship. During this year a war arose between the Corinthians and Epidaurians on the one hand and the Athenians on the other, and the Athenians took the field against them and after a sharp battle were victorious.With a large fleet they put in at a place called Halieis, landed on the Peloponnesus, and slew not a few of the enemy.

Perseus: Diodorus Siculus, Library (ed. C. H. Oldfather, 1989).
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By Philip the Macedon

ΑΜΥΚΛΑΙ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΣΠΑΡΤΗ
The Lacedaemonians were in a state of the utmost terror at this unexpected invasion and quite at a loss how to meet it. Philip on the first day pitched his camp at Amyclae. The district of Amcyclae, one of the most richly timbered and fertile in Laconia, lies about twenty stades from Sparta and includes a temple of Apollo, which is the most famous of all the Laconian shrines. It lies between Sparta and the sea (Polybius 5,18-19).

Από τους Σπαρτιάτες, το 743 π.Χ

ΑΜΦΕΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
Στον Α' Μεσσηνιακό Πόλεμο κατέλαβαν την πόλη οι Σπαρτιάτες και σκότωσαν όλους του Μεσσήνιους καταστρέφοντας και την πόλη. Πιθανή θέση της η περιοχή Β της Ιθώμης, στα περάσματα από την αρχαία Μεσσηνία προς τη Λακωνία, Α του χωριού Κατσαρού ή κοντά στο χωριό Τρύφα (Εγκυκλ. Πάπυρος-Λαρούς-Μπριτάννικα).

Perseus Encyclopedia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Asine

ΑΣΙΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
The Argives laid waste to most of the cities because of their disobedience; those from Asine (this is a village in Argeia near Nauplia) were transferred by the Lacedaemonians to Messenia, where is a town that bears the same name as the Argolic Asine; for the Lacedaemonians, says Theopompos, took possession of much territory that belonged to other peoples and settled there all who fled to them and were taken in.(Strab. 8.6.11)

Perseus: Strabo, Geography
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

  Πολύ παλιά υπήρχε ένα τρανό βασίλειο στην περιοχή της Ασίνης που το κατοικούσαν Δρύοπες άποικοι. Σύμφωνα με τον Ομηρο, “...Ερμιόνην, Ασίνην τε βαθύν κατά κόλπον εχούσας...”, οι Ασιναίοι συμμετείχαν στον Τρωικό Πόλεμο.
  Υστερα το 1104π.Χ. οι Δωριείς κατέκτησαν την Αρχαία Ασίνη, αλλά γρήγορα ενσωματώθηκαν με τους ντόπιους και το βασίλειο απέκτησε μεγάλη οικονομική δύναμη που τη ζήλευαν οι γείτονές του. Οι Αργείοι δεν άργησαν να βρουν την ευκαιρία να τους επιτεθούν. Η αφορμή δόθηκε όταν οι Ασιναίοι βοήθησαν τους Σπαρτιάτες στην εκστρατεία εναντίον των Αργείων. Το μίσος των Αργείων προκάλεσε την ολοκληρωτική καταστροφή της πόλης το 740π.Χ. Μόλις που πρόλαβαν οι Ασιναίοι μαζί με τα γυναικόπαιδά τους να φύγουν με πλοία, για τη νέα τους πατρίδα τη Μεσσηνία.
  Ο ιστορικός Παυσανίας κατά την περιήγησή του στην Αργολίδα αναφέρει ότι η Αρχαία Ασίνη ήταν εντελώς ερειπωμένη. Η ιστορία της αρχαίας πόλης σταματά εδώ και το μόνο σημάδι της ύπαρξής της είναι τα ερείπια του παλατιού της, και τα αρχαία τείχη που σώζονται μέχρι σήμερα.
Το κείμενο παρατίθεται το Μάρτιο 2004 από τουριστικό φυλλάδιο του Δήμου Ασίνης.

By Philip the Macedon

ΒΟΙΕΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΒΟΙΑ
Sending out (Philip) his foragers from here (Gythium) he set fire to every part of it, destroying the crops, and carried his devastation even as far as Acriae, Leucae, and Boeae. (Polibius 5,19)

Από τους Αθηναίους υπό τον Τολμίδη 456-455 π.Χ.

ΓΥΘΕΙΟΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ
During this year (456 B.C.) Tolmides, who was commander of the naval forces and vied with both the valour and fame of Myronides, was eager to accomplish a memorable deed. Consequently, since in those times no one had very yet laid waste Laconia, he urged the Athenian people to ravage the territory of the Spartans, and he promised that by taking one thousand hoplites aboard the triremes he would with them lay waste Laconia and dim the fame of the Spartans. When the Athenians acceded to his request, he then, wishing to take with him secretly a larger number of hoplites, had recourse to the following cunning subterfuge. The citizens thought that he would enrol for the force the young men in the prime of youth and most vigorous in body; but Tolmides, determined to take with him in the campaign not merely the stipulated one thousand, approached every young man of exceptional hardihood and told him that he was going to enrol him; it would be better, however, he added, for him to go as a volunteer than be thought to have been compelled to serve under compulsion by enrolment. When by this scheme he had persuaded more than three thousand to enrol voluntarily and saw that the rest of the youth showed no further interest, he then enrolled the thousand he had been promised from all who were left. When all the other preparations for his expedition had been made, Tolmides set out to sea with fifty triremes and four thousand hoplites, and putting in at Methone in Laconia, he took the place; and when the Lacedaemonians came to defend it, he withdrew, and cruising along the cost to Gytheium, which was a seaport of the Lacedaemonians, he seized it, burned the city and also the dockyards of the Lacedaemonians, and ravaged its territory.

This extract is from: Diodorus Siculus, Library (ed. C. H. Oldfather, 1989). Cited Apr 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.

Perseus: Diodorus Siculus, Library (ed. C. H. Oldfather, 1989).
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από τον Επαμεινώνδα, 371 π.Χ.

And wherever the Thebans encamped they at once threw down in front of their lines the greatest possible quantity of the trees which they cut down, and in this way guarded themselves; the Arcadians, however, did nothing of this sort, but left their camp behind them and turned their attention to plundering the houses. After this, on the third or fourth day of the invasion, the horsemen advanced to the race-course in the sanctuary of Poseidon Gaeaochus by divisions, the Thebans in full force, the Eleans, and all the horsemen who were there of the Phocians, Thessalians, or Locrians. And the horsemen of the Lacedaemonians, seemingly very few in number, were formed in line against them. Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians had set an ambush of the younger hoplites, about three hundred in number, in the house of the Tyndaridae, and at the same moment these men rushed forth and their horsemen charged. The enemy, however, did not await their attack, but gave way. And on seeing this, many of the foot-soldiers also took to flight. But when the pursuers stopped and the army of the Thebans stood firm, the enemy encamped again. It now seemed somewhat more certain that they would make no further attempt upon the city; and in fact their army departed thence and took the road toward Helos and Gytheium. And they burned such of the towns as were unwalled and made a three days' attack upon Gytheium, where the Lacedaemonians had their dockyards. There were some of the Perioeci also who not only joined in this attack, but did regular service with the troops that followed the Thebans.

This extract is from: Xenophon, Hellenica. Cited Apr 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlink

• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By Philopoemen

A few days after the sea-fight, Philopoemen and his band, waiting for a moonless night, burnt down the camp of the Lacedaemonians at Gythium. Thereupon Nabis caught Philopoemen himself and the Arcadians with him in a disadvantageous position. The Arcadians, though few in number, were good soldiers, and Philopoemen, by changing the order of his line of retreat, caused the strongest positions to be to his advantage and not to that of his enemy. He overcame Nabis in the battle and massacred during the night many of the Lacedaemonians, so raising yet higher his reputation among the Greeks. After this Nabis secured from the Romans a truce for a fixed period, but died before this period came to an end, being assassinated by a man of Calydon, who pretended that he had come about an alliance, but was in reality an enemy who had been sent for this very purpose of assassination by the Aetolians.

This extract is from: Pausanias. Description of Greece (ed. W.H.S. Jones, Litt.D., & H.A. Ormerod, 1918). Cited Apr 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Arcadia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από τους Ρωμαίους, 195 π.Χ.

Από το Νικία

ΕΛΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ
Το Ελος, που ήταν τότε μικρή πόλη, το λεηλάτησε ο Νικίας τη χρονιά που κατέλαβε τα Κύθηρα, το 424 π.Χ (Θουκ. 4,54,4).

Perseus: Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (ed. Richard Crawley, 1910)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από τους Θηβαίους

Οι Θηβαίοι με αρχηγό τον Επαμεινώνδα λεηλάτησαν το Ελος μετά τη μάχη στα Λεύκτρα (Ξενοφ. Ελλ. 6,5,32).

• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από τους Λακεδαιμόνιους

Οι Λακεδαιμόνιοι με βασιλιά τον Αλκαμένη κατέλαβαν και κατέστρεψαν το Ελος, που ήταν μια παραθαλάσσια πολίχνη των Αχαιών (Παυσ. 3,2,7).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Laconia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By Philip the Macedon

Changing the direction of his march he (Philip) next made for the arsenal of the Lacedaemonians, which is called Gythium and has a secure harbour, being about two hundred and thirty stades distant from Sparta. Leaving this place on his right he encamped in the district of Helos, which taken as a whole is the most extensive and finest in Laconia. (Polybius 5,19)

Από τους Αθηναίους

ΕΠΙΔΑΥΡΟΣ ΛΙΜΗΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΜΟΝΕΜΒΑΣΙΑ
Οι Αθηναίοι λεηλάτησαν την Επίδαυρο Λιμηρά μαζί με τη Θυρέα (το 424 π.Χ) και μαζί με τις Πρασιές (το 414 π Χ) (Θουκ. 4,56,2, Θουκ. 6,105,2).

Perseus: Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (ed. Richard Crawley, 1910)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...
Perseus: Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (ed. Richard Crawley, 1910)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By the Athenians

ΕΡΜΙΟΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
Putting out from Epidaurus, they (the Athenians) laid waste the territory of Troezen, Halieis, and Hermione, all towns on the coast of Peloponnese, and thence sailing to Prasiai, a maritime town in Laconia, ravaged part of its territory, and took and sacked the place itself; after which they returned home, but found the Peloponnesians gone and no longer in Attica.
This extract is from: Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. Richard Crawley. London, J. M. Dent; New York, E. P. Dutton. 1910.
Cited Sept 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.

Perseus: Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (ed. Richard Crawley, 1910)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By Archidamus, 368 BC

ΚΑΡΥΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΑ
. . Accordingly, after these troops from Dionysius had sailed round to Lacedaemon, Archidamus took them, along with his citizen soldiers, and set out on an expedition. He captured Caryae by storm and put to the sword all whom he took prisoners.

• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

There had come to them a few deserters, men of Arcadia, lacking a livelihood and desirous to find some service. Bringing these men into the king's presence, the Persians inquired of them what the Greeks were doing, there being one who put this question in the name of all. When the Arcadians told them that the Greeks were holding the Olympic festival and viewing sports and horseraces, the Persian asked what was the prize offered, for which they contended. They told him of the crown of olive that was given to the victor. Then Tigranes son of Artabanus uttered a most noble saying (but the king deemed him a coward for it); [3] when he heard that the prize was not money but a crown, he could not hold his peace, but cried, "Good heavens, Mardonius, what kind of men are these that you have pitted us against? It is not for money they contend but for glory of achievement!" Such was Tigranes' saying. (Herod. 8.26.1)
Commentary: These Arcadians have been identified with the inhabitants of Caryae on the borders of Laconia, who are said to have been all killed or enslaved for Medism (Vitruvius, i. 1. 5, explaining ‘Caryatides’ in architecture). They would seem, however, to be a band of adventurers seeking service as mercenaries; the Arcadians, like the Swiss at the end of the Middle Ages, often earned a livelihood thus (Thuc. iii. 34; vii. 57, 58).

This text is cited Apr 2003 from Perseus Project URL bellow, which contains interesting hyperlinks

Perseus: Herodotus, The Histories (ed. A. D. Godley, 1920)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...
Perseus: W. W. How, J. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Από σεισμό, 365 μ.Χ.

ΚΕΓΧΡΕΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΚΟΡΙΝΘΟΣ

Από σεισμό, 375 μ.Χ.

Από επιδρομές Αβάρων, 6ος αι. μ.Χ

Από το Ρωμαίο Μόμμιο (146 π.Χ.)

ΚΟΡΙΝΘΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ
Ο Μόμμιος κατέλαβε την Κόρινθο (το 146 π.Χ), έδιωξε από την πόλη τους Κορίνθιους και αφιέρωσε γι' αυτή του τη νίκη είκοσι μία επίχρυσες ασπίδες στο Ναό του Δία στην Ολυμπία (Παυσ. 5,10,5).

Perseus Encyclopedia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...
Perseus: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...
• http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/polybius-co...

Από τον Ιμπραήμ Πασά, 1825

ΚΥΠΑΡΙΣΣΙΑ (Κωμόπολη) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ

Σεισμός 464 π.Χ.

ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΩΝ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΟΣ
  Η Λακωνία ονομαζόταν εύσειστος και καιετάεσσα από τους καιετούς (χάσματα) που υπήρχαν εκεί. Γνωστός είναι ο μεγάλος σεισμός της Σπάρτης το θέρος του 464 π.Χ. Η σφοδρότητά του ήταν ασύλληπτη. Οι κορυφές του Ταϋγέτου απερράγησαν και άνοιξαν χάσματα σε διάφορα σημεία. Στο γυμνάσιο λίγο πριν από τον σεισμό ασκούνταν έφηβοι και νεανίσκοι, όταν παρουσιάστηκε ένας λαγός. Οι νεανίσκοι βγήκαν να τον κυνηγήσουν και σώθηκαν ενώ οι έφηβοι που παρέμειναν μέσα σκοτώθηκαν με την κατάρρευση του κτιρίου. Ο κοινός τάφος τους ονομάστηκε Σεισματίας. Καθώς οι δονήσεις διήρκεσαν μέρες και ήταν συνεχείς και ισχυρές, όλα τα σπίτια γκρεμίστηκαν εκ θεμελίων και αναφέρονται πάνω από 20.000 θύματα.
  Η ολοκληρωτική καταστροφή θεωρήθηκε ότι οφειλόταν στην οργή του Ποσειδώνος, που προκάλεσαν οι Σπαρτιάτες γιατί είχαν αποσπάσει από τον βωμό του στο Ταίναρο και θανατώσει είλωτες καταδικασμένους σε θάνατο, που είχαν καταφύγει σ? αυτό το φημισμένο άσυλο. Η τιμωρία ήρθε σύντομα: ου μετά πολύ εσείσθη σφίσιν η πόλις συνεχεί τε ομού και ισχυρώ τω σεισμώ ώστε οικίαν μηδαμίαν των εν Λακεδαίμονι αντισχείν. Ολόκληρη την πόλη σώριασε στο έδαφος ο Ποσειδών Ταινάριος (ες έδαφος την πόλιν πάσαν κατέβαλεν ο θεός).
  Η καταστροφή όμως αποτέλεσε ευκαιρία γενίκευσης της αρχικά περιορισμένης εξέγερσης των ειλώτων, που αποφάσισαν αιφνιδιάζοντας τους επιζώντες να κυριεύσουν την πόλη. Η Σπάρτη σώθηκε χάρη στην αντίδραση του βασιλιά Αρχιδάμου, που κατάφερε να συγκεντρώσει και να παρατάξει για μάχη τους Σπαρτιάτες που προσπαθούσαν να βγάλουν από τα ερείπια ό,τι πολύτιμο είχαν. Πάντως, οι πλείοι των δισμυρίων νεκροί προκάλεσαν στο δημογραφικό πρόβλημα της Σπάρτης σοβαρότατες επιπτώσεις, εμφανείς για περισσότερο από μία γενιά, ως κριτήριο των στρατιωτικών της επιλογών.

• http://www.pipini.gr/them/seism/6.html

Επίθεση των Ιλλυριών στη Μεθώνη

ΜΕΘΩΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
Οι Ιλλυριοί είχαν μπει στο λιμάνι της Μεθώνης με δήθεν φιλικές διαθέσεις, όμως όταν οι κάτοικοι τους πλησίασαν άφοβα, τους απήγαγαν και ερήμωσαν την πόλη (Παυσ. 4,35,6-7).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Messenia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By the Lacedaemonians

ΜΕΣΣΗΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΙΘΩΜΗ
...and Messene was destroyed by the Lacedaemonians but restored by the Thebans and afterward by Philip the son of Amyntas. The citadels, however, remained uninhabited.

Perseus: Strabo, Geography
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By the Argives

ΝΑΥΠΛΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΝΑΥΠΛΙΟ
The Argives laid waste to most of the cities because of their disobedience; ..and the inhabitants of Nauplia also withdrew to Messenia. (Strab. 8.6.11)

Strabo, Geography
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By the Athenians

ΠΡΑΣΙΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΕΩΝΙΔΙΟΝ
Putting out from Epidaurus, they (the Athenians) laid waste the territory of Troezen, Halieis, and Hermione, all towns on the coast of Peloponnese, and thence sailing to Prasiai, a maritime town in Laconia, ravaged part of its territory, and took and sacked the place itself; after which they returned home, but found the Peloponnesians gone and no longer in Attica.

Perseus: Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (ed. Richard Crawley, 1910)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By Philip the Macedon

ΠΥΡΡΙΧΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΝΑΤΟΛΙΚΗ ΜΑΝΗ
Next day Philip, continuing to pillage the country on his way, marched down to what is called Pyrrhus' camp. (Polyvius 5,19)

By Thebans & Arcadians 370 BC

ΣΕΛΛΑΣΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΟΙΝΟΥΝΤΑΣ

• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από σεισμό

ΣΙΚΥΩΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΚΟΡΙΝΘΙΑ
Ο σεισμός αυτός, πιθανώς το 23 μ.Χ, κατέστρεψε την πόλη και την ερήμωσε από τους κατοίκους της, οι οποίοι βρίσκονταν ούτως ή άλλως σε περίοδο παρακμής (Παυσ, 2,7,1).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Corinth
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

By Argives (468 BC)

ΤΙΡΥΝΣ (Μυκηναϊκό ανάκτορο) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
Argos was so wholly deprived of men that their slaves took possession of all affairs, ruling and governing until the sons of the slain men grew up. Then they recovered Argos for themselves and cast out the slaves; when they were driven out, the slaves took possession of Tiryns by force. For a while they were at peace with each other; but then there came to the slaves a prophet, Cleander, a man of Phigalea in Arcadia by birth; he persuaded the slaves to attack their masters. From that time there was a long-lasting war between them, until with difficulty the Argives got the upper hand (about 468 BC).
Commentary:
  The war ended in the destruction of Tiryns and Mycenae (Paus. v. 23. 3; vii. 25. 6; ii. 16. 5; 25. 8). An aggressive war on the part of Tiryns is only conceivable if Argos was engaged elsewhere. Now about 472 Argos was allied to Tegea against the Spartans (cf. ix. 35 n.), by whom the allies were defeated near Tegea, but in the next great battle, fought by the Arcadians against the Spartans at Dipaea (circ. 470), the Argives took no part. The suggestion seems probable that Tiryns was encouraged to attack Argos by the battle of Tegea, and that the Argives were absent from the field of Dipaea because they were fully occupied in the siege of Tiryns, which was obstinately defended (Busolt, iii. 121 f.). Possibly Mycenae too fell at this time (468 B. C.). More probably, however, it was while Sparta was occupied with the Helot revolt after 464 B. C. (Diod. xi. 65); cf. Busolt, iii. 244; Meyer, iii, § 325. Neither city was left so completely desolate as Strabo (372) implies, as is proved by remains at Mycenae (Frazer, iii. 97 f.). Tirynthians found refuge at Halieis (viii. 137. 2 n.).

This extract is from: Herodotus. The Histories (ed. A. D. Godley, 1920), Cambridge. Harvard University Press. Cited June 2005 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.

Perseus: Strabo, Geography
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...
W. W. How, J. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...
Herodotus, The Histories (ed. A. D. Godley)
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από τους Λακεδαιμόνιους (417 π.Χ.)

ΥΣΙΕΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
The winter following the Lacedaemonians, hearing of the walls that were building, marched against Argos with their allies, the Corinthians excepted, being also not without intelligence in the city itself; Agis, son of Archidamus, their king, was in command. The intelligence which they counted upon within the town came to nothing; they however took and razed the walls which were being built, and after capturing the Argive town Hysiae and killing all the freemen that fell into their hands, went back and dispersed every man to his city. (Thuc. 5.83.1)

Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από σεισμό, 1886

ΦΙΛΙΑΤΡΑ (Κωμόπολη) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ

Από σεισμό, 375 μ.Χ.

ΒΟΙΕΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΒΟΙΑ

Από τους Σπαρτιάτες, 668 π.Χ

ΕΙΡΑ (Αρχαίο φρούριο) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
Η Πυθία είχε δώσει στον Αριστομένη και στο μάντη Θέοκλο χρησμό που προμήνυε την ήττα των Μεσσηνίων. Πράγματι, μια νύχτα με τρομερή καταιγίδα οι Λακεδαιμόνιοι μπήκαν στην ακρόπολη της Είρας αιφνιδιάζοντας τους Μεσσήνιους, οι οποίοι επί μέρες αντιστέκονταν όσο μπορούσαν, ακόμα και οι γυναίκες πολεμούσαν με κάθε μέσο. Ο Θέοκλος όμως και ο Αριστομένης ήξεραν ότι το τέλος είχε φτάσει και αποφάσισαν ο μεν πρώτος να πεθάνει σκοτώνοντας όσους εχθρούς μπορέσει, ο δε Αριστομένης να οδηγήσει τους Μεσσήνιους έξω από την ακρόπολη, εγκαταλείποντας τη μάταιη προσπάθεια για νίκη.

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Messenia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Από τον Ρωμαίο Μόμμιο, 146 π.Χ.

ΗΡΑΙΟΝ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΛΟΥΤΡΑΚΙ ΠΕΡΑΧΩΡΑΣ

Από τους Αργείους, 468 π.Χ.

ΜΥΚΗΝΕΣ (Μυκηναϊκό ανάκτορο) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
Ο Παυσανίας παραδίδει ότι η πόλη καταστράφηκε από ζηλοτυπία των Αργείων μετά τη Ναυμαχία της Σαλαμίνας, επειδή οι Μυκηναίοι με 80 άνδρες δοξάστηκαν συμπολεμώντας με τους Σπαρτιάτες στις Θερμοπύλες (2,16,5).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Corinth
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

The destruction of Tiryns and Mykenai

These ancients, a poor remnant of the "Perseid" and "Pelopid" ages, might have "medized" with a better grace than the Dorian Argives. Their hostility to Argos would seal them to the side of Sparta and of Hellas, of which they might fairly consider themselves the oldest representatives. "Tiryns" here appears for the first time in the war; "Mykenai" had sent 80 men to Thermopylai, (Hdt 7. 202), unless, indeed, those and these alike are "‘exiles"? It is hard to see how with Argos neutral, or malevolent, Tiryns and Mykenai could have afforded to send their fighting men to Plataia; The ruin of Mykenai was still to come or was unknown to Hdt. when he first drafted this passage;
. . . my attention, treats these Mykenaians and Tirynthians as "of course exiles" in view of Mahaffy's theory that the destruction (final?) of Mykenai and Tiryns by Argos "happened in the eighth or early seventh century B.C." But the names occur upon the Plataian (and Olympian) monuments, and it is not likely that those lists included "cityless men." This observation cuts out my own suggestion up above, that these men were exiles from the still existing Mykenai and Tiryns. Mahaffy's prochronism for the destruction of the two cities appears to be partly mixed up with the view that Perseids and Pelopids "possessed neither the art of writing nor the art of coining," plus the complementary view that Mykenaians and Tirynthians of the sixth and fifth centuries would have possessed both. Perhaps they did, even though no specimens have come down to us.
As to the Perseids and Pelopids, we now know that they could write, and it is hardly safe to assume that they had no coinage or currency. On the whole I should adhere to the dates given in note ad l.c. for the destruction of Tiryns and Mykenai. Meyer, G. d. Alt. iii. (1901) p. 516, well remarks that a "Tirynthian" is victor at Olympia Ol. 78 = 468 B.C. (Olymp. List in Oxyrhynchos Papyri, ii. p. 89): kurz nachher muss die Zerstorung fallen.
(Perseus Project: Reginald Walter Macan, Herodotus: The Seventh, Eighth, & Ninth Books with Introduction and Commentary)

• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Per...

Argives desolated Mycenae

The following year Theageneides was archon in Athens, and in Rome the consuls elected were Lucius Aemilius Mamercus and Lucius Julius Iulus, and the Seventy-eighth Olympiad was celebrated, that in which Parmenides of Posidonia won the "stadion." In this year a war broke out between the Argives and Mycenaeans for the following reasons.The Mycenaeans, because of the ancient prestige of their country, would not be subservient to the Argives as the other cities of Argolis were, but they maintained an independent position and would take no orders from the Argives; and they kept disputing with them also over the shrine of Hera and claiming that they had the right to administer the Nemean Games by themselves. Furthermore, when the Argives voted not to join with the Lacedaemonians in the battle at Thermopylae unless they were given a share in the supreme command, the Mycenaeans were the only people of Argolis who fought at the side of the Lacedaemonians. In a word, the Argives were suspicious of the Mycenaeans, fearing lest, if they got any stronger, they might, on the strength of the ancient prestige of Mycenae, dispute the right of Argos to the leadership. Such, then, were the reasons for the bad blood between them; and from of old the Argives had ever been eager to exalt their city, and now they thought they had a favourable opportunity, seeing that the Lacedaemonians had been weakened and were unable to come to the aid of the Mycenaeans. Therefore the Argives, gathering a strong army from both Argos and the cities of their allies, marched against the Mycenaeans, and after defeating them in battle and shutting them within their walls, they laid siege to the city. The Mycenaeans for a time resisted the besiegers with vigour, but afterwards, since they were being worsted in the fighting and the Lacedaemonians could bring them no aid because of their own wars and the disaster that had overtaken them in the earthquakes, and since there were no other allies, they were taken by storm through lack of support from outside. The Argives sold the Mycenaeans into slavery, dedicated a tenth part of them to the god, and razed Mycenae. So this city, which in ancient times had enjoyed such felicity, possessing great men and having to its credit memorable achievements, met with such an end, and has remained uninhabited down to our own times.

This extract is from: Diodorus Siculus, Library (ed. C. H. Oldfather, 1989). Cited Sept. 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.

Perseus: Diodorus Siculus, Library (ed. C. H. Oldfather, 1989).
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

Οι αγροτικές κοινότητες της Τεγέας

ΤΕΓΕΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΚΑΔΙΑ
Οι Tεγεάτες λέγανε ότι παλιά Τεγέα λεγόταν η περιοχή στην οποία υπήρχαν 8 κοινότητες: οι Γαρεάται, οι Φυλακείς, οι Καρυάται, οι Κορυθείς, οι Πωταχίδαι, οι Οιάται, οι Μανθυρείς και οι Εχευήθεις. Οταν έγινε βασιλιάς ο Αφείδας προστέθηκαν και οι Αφείδαντες (Παυσ. 8,45,1-2).

Perseus: Pausanias, Description of Greece, Arcadia
• http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=...

ΑΕΤΟΣ (Χωριό) ΜΕΣΣΗΝΙΑ
1454
Νικηφόρα μάχη των στρατευμάτων Tούρκων και Bυζαντινών κατά των Αλβανών, με επικεφαλής τους δύο γιους του Μωάμεθ του Πορθητή.

Pyrrhus perished by a ponderous tile

ΑΡΓΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑ
Pyrrhus, (Purrhos), king of Epeirus, born about the year B. C. 318, was the son of Aeacides and Phthia, the daughter of Menon of Pharsalus...
Pyrrhus was twenty-three years of age when he was firmly established on the throne of Epeirus (B. C. 295). and he soon became one of the most popular princes of his age...
In B. C. 281... the Tarentines, against whom the Romans had declared war, sent an embassy to Pyrrhus in the summer of this year, begging him in the name of all the Italian Greeks to cross over to Italy in order to conduct the war against the Romans...

Pyrrhus arrived in Epeirus at the end of B. C. 274, after an absence of six years. He brought back with him only 8000 foot and 500 horse, and had not money to maintain even these without undertaking new wars. Accordingly, at the beginning of the following year, B. C. 273, he invaded Macedonia, of which Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius, was at that time king. His army had been reinforced by a body of Gallic mercenaries, and his only object at first seems to have been plunder. But his success far exceeded his expectations. He obtained possession of several towns without resistance ; and when at length Antigonus advanced to meet him, the Macedonian monarch was deserted by his own troops, who welcomed Pyrrhus as their king.
  Pyrrhus thus became king of Macedonia a second time, but had scarcely obtained possession of the kingdom before his restless spirit drove him into new enterprises. Cleonymus had many years before been excluded from the Spartan throne; and he had recently received a new insult from the family which was reigning in his place. Acrotatus, the son of the Spartan king Areus, had seduced Chelidonis, the young wife of Cleonymus, and the latter, now burning for revenge, repaired to the court of Pyrrhus, and persuaded him to make war upon Sparta. This invitation was readily complied with: and Pyrrhus accordingly marched into Laconia in the following year, B. C. 272, with an army of 25,000 foot, 2000 horse, and 24 elephants. Such a force seemed irresistible; no preparations had been made for defence, and king Areus himself was absent in Crete.
  As soon as Pyrrhus arrived, Cleonymus urged him to attack the city forthwith. But as the day was far spent, Pyrrhus resolved to defer the attack the next day, fearing that his soldiers would pillage the city, if it were taken in the night. But during the night the Spartans were not idle. All the inhabitants, old and young, men and women, laboured incessantly in digging a deep ditch opposite the enemy's camp, and at the end of each ditch formed a strong barricade of waggons. The next day Pyrrhus advanced to the assault, but was repulsed by the Spartans, who fought under their youthful leader Acrotatus in a manner worthy of their ancient courage. The assault was again renewed on the next day, but with no better success; and the arrival of Areus with 2000 Cretans, as well as of other auxiliary forces, at length compelled Pyrrhus to abandon all hopes of taking the city. He did not, however, relinquish his enterprise altogether, but resolved to winter in Peloponnesus, that he might be ready to renew operations at the commencement of the spring.
  But while making preparations for this object, he received an invitation from Aristeas, one of the leading citizens at Argos, to assist him against his rival Aristippus, whose cause was espoused by Antigonus. Pyrrhus forthwith commenced his march from the neighbourhood of Sparta, but did not reach Argos without some sharp fighting, as the Spartans under Areus both molested his march and occupied some of the passes through which his road lay. In one of these encounters his eldest son Ptolemy fell, greatly to the grief of his father, who avenged his death by killing with his own hand the leader of the Lacedaemonian detachment which had destroyed his son.
  On arriving in the neighbourhood of Argos, he found Antigonus encamped on one of the heights near the city, but he could not induce him to risk a battle. There was a party at Argos, which did not belong to either of the contending factions, and which was anxious to get rid both of Pyrrhus and Antigonus. They accordingly sent an embassy to the two kings, begging them to withdraw from the city. Antigonus promised compliance, and sent his son as a hostage; but though Pyrrhus did not refuse, he would not give any hostage.
  In the night-time Aristeas admitted Pyrrhus into the city, who marched into the market-place with part of his troops, leaving his son Helenus with the main body of his army on the outside. But the alarm having been given, the citadel was seized by the Argives of the opposite faction. Areus with his Spartans, who had followed close upon Pyrrhus, was admitted within the walls, and Antigonus also sent a portion of his troops into the city, under the command of his son Halcyoneus, while he himself remained without with the bulk of his forces. On the dawn of day Pyrrhus saw that all the strong places were in the possession of the enemy, and that it would be necessary for him to retreat. He accordingly sent orders to his son Helenus to break down part of the walls, in order that his troops might retire with more ease; but in consequence of some mistake in the delivery of the message, Helenus attempted to enter the city by the same gateway through which Pyrrhus was retreating. The two tides encountered one another, and to add to the confusion one of the elephants fell down in the narrow gateway, while another becoming wild and ungovernable, trod down every one before him.
  Pyrrhus was in the rear, in a more open part of the city, attempting to keep off the enemy. While thus engaged, he was slightly wounded through the breast-plate with a javelin and, as he turned to take vengeance on the Argive who had attacked him, the mother of the man, seeing the danger of her son, hurled down from the houseroof where she was standing a ponderous tile, which struck Pyrrhus on the back of his neck. He fell from his horse stunned with the blow, and being recognised by some of the soldiers of Antigonus, was quickly despatched. His head was cut off and given to Halcyoneus, who carried the bloody trophy with exultation to his father Antigonus. But the latter turned away from the sight, and ordered the body to be interred with becoming honours. His remains were deposited by the Argives in the temple of Demeter. (Paus. i. 13.8)

A dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith)
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Cleomenes of Sparta

  As Cleomenes was seeking divination at Delphi, the oracle responded that he would take Argos. When he came with Spartans to the river Erasinus, which is said to flow from the Stymphalian lake (this lake issues into a cleft out of sight and reappears at Argos, and from that place onwards the stream is called by the Argives Erasinus)--when Cleomenes came to this river he offered sacrifices to it. The omens were in no way favorable for his crossing, so he said that he honored the Erasinus for not betraying its countrymen, but even so the Argives would not go unscathed. Then he withdrew and led his army seaward to Thyrea, where he sacrificed a bull to the sea and carried his men on shipboard to the region of Tiryns and to Nauplia.
  The Argives heard of this and came to the coast to do battle with him. When they had come near Tiryns and were at the place called Hesipeia, they encamped opposite the Lacedaemonians, leaving only a little space between the armies. There the Argives had no fear of fair fighting, but rather of being captured by a trick. This was the affair referred to by that oracle which the Pythian priestess gave to the Argives and Milesians in common, which ran thus:

When the female defeats the male(1)
And drives him away, winning glory in Argos,
She will make many Argive women tear their cheeks.
As someday one of men to come will say:
The dread thrice-coiled serpent died tamed by the spear.
(1) Commentary: This would be fulfilled by a victory of the female Sparte over the male Argos.

All these things coming together spread fear among the Argives. Therefore they resolved to defend themselves by making use of the enemies' herald, and they performed their resolve in this way: whenever the Spartan herald signalled anything to the Lacedaemonians, the Argives did the same thing.
  When Cleomenes saw that the Argives did whatever was signalled by his herald, he commanded that when the herald cried the signal for breakfast, they should then put on their armor and attack the Argives. The Lacedaemonians performed this command, and when they assaulted the Argives they caught them at breakfast in obedience to the herald's signal; they killed many of them, and far more fled for refuge into the grove of Argus, which the Lacedaemonians encamped around and guarded.
  Then Cleomenes' plan was this: He had with him some deserters from whom he learned the names, then he sent a herald calling by name the Argives that were shut up in the sacred precinct and inviting them to come out, saying that he had their ransom. (Among the Peloponnesians there is a fixed ransom of two minae to be paid for every prisoner.) So Cleomenes invited about fifty Argives to come out one after another and murdered them. Somehow the rest of the men in the temple precinct did not know this was happening, for the grove was thick and those inside could not see how those outside were faring, until one of them climbed a tree and saw what was being done. Thereafter they would not come out at the herald's call.
  Then Cleomenes bade all the helots pile wood about the grove; they obeyed, and he burnt the grove. When the fire was now burning, he asked of one of the deserters to what god the grove belonged; the man said it was of Argos. When he heard that, he groaned aloud, ?Apollo, god of oracles, you have gravely deceived me by saying that I would take Argos; this, I guess, is the fulfillment of that prophecy.?
  Then Cleomenes sent most of his army back to Sparta, while he himself took a thousand of the best warriors and went to the temple of Hera to sacrifice. When he wished to sacrifice at the altar the priest forbade him, saying that it was not holy for a stranger to sacrifice there. Cleomenes ordered the helots to carry the priest away from the altar and whip him, and he performed the sacrifice. After doing this, he returned to Sparta.
  But after his return his enemies brought him before the ephors, saying that he had been bribed not to take Argos when he might have easily taken it. Cleomenes alleged (whether falsely or truly, I cannot rightly say; but this he alleged in his speech) that he had supposed the god's oracle to be fulfilled by his taking of the temple of Argus; therefore he had thought it best not to make any attempt on the city before he had learned from the sacrifices whether the god would deliver it to him or withstand him; when he was taking omens in Hera's temple a flame of fire had shone forth from the breast of the image, and so he learned the truth of the matter, that he would not take Argos. If the flame had come out of the head of the image, he would have taken the city from head to foot utterly; but its coming from the breast signified that he had done as much as the god willed to happen. This plea of his seemed to the Spartans to be credible and reasonable, and he far outdistanced the pursuit of his accusers.
  But Argos was so wholly deprived of men that their slaves took possession of all affairs, ruling and governing until the sons of the slain men grew up. Then they recovered Argos for themselves and cast out the slaves; when they were driven out, the slaves took possession of Tiryns by force. For a while they were at peace with each other; but then there came to the slaves a prophet, Cleander, a man of Phigalea in Arcadia by birth; he persuaded the slaves to attack their masters. From that time there was a long-lasting war between them, until with difficulty the Argives got the upper hand. (Hdt. 6.76-83)

This extract is from: Herodotus. The Histories (ed. A. D. Godley, 1920), Cambridge. Harvard University Press. Cited April 2005 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.

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... His (Cleomenes) madness and death, says Herodotus, were ascribed by the Spartans to the habit he acquired from some Scythian visitors at Sparta of excessive drinking. Others found a reason in his acts of sacrilege at Delphi or Eleusis, where he laid waste a piece of sacred land (the Orgas), or again at Argos, the case of which was as follows. Cleomenes invaded Argolis, conveying his forces by sea to the neighbourhood of Tiryns; defeated by a simple stratagem the whole Argive forces, and pursued a large number of fugitives into the wood of the hero Argus. Some of them he drew from their refuge on false pretences, the rest he burnt among the sacred trees. He however made no attempt on the city, but after sacrificing to the Argive Juno, and whipping her priestess for opposing his will, returned home and excused himself, and indeed was acquitted after investigation, on the ground that the oracle predicting that he should capture Argos had been fulfilled by the destruction of the grove of Argus. Such is the strange account given by Herodotus (vi. 76-84) of the great battle of the Seventh (en tei Hebdomei), the greatest exploit of Cleomenes, which deprived Argos of 6000 citizens (Herod. vii. 148), and left her in a state of debility from which, notwithstanding the enlargement of her franchise, she did not recover till the middle of the Peloponnesian war. To this however we may add in explanation the story given by later writers of the defence of Argos by its women, headed by the poet-heroine Telesilla (Paus. ii. 20.7; Plut. Mor. p. 245; Polyaen. viii. 33; Suidas. s.v. Telesilla). Herodotus appears ignorant of it, though he gives an oracle seeming to refer to it. It is perfectly probable that Cleomenes thus received some check, and we must remember the Spartan incapacity for sieges. The date again is doubtful. Pausanias, (iii. 4.1-5), who follows Herodotus in his account of Cleomenes, says, it was at the beginning of his reign; Clinton, however, whom Thirlwall follows, fixes it, on the ground of Herod. vii. 148-9, towards the end of his reign, about 510 B. C.

This extract is from: A dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology, 1873 (ed. William Smith). Cited June 2005 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks

A dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith)
• http://perseus.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/cgi-bin/ptext?d...