Εμφανίζονται 100 (επί συνόλου 609) τίτλοι με αναζήτηση: Πληροφορίες για τον τόπο στην ευρύτερη περιοχή: "ΑΚΤΕΣ ΑΙΓΑΙΟΥ Περιφέρεια ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ" .
ΠΕΡΓΑΜΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
ΑΖΑΝΙΤΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Azani (Azanoi: Eth. Azanites), as the name appears in Strabo, and
Stephanus (s. v. Azanoi). The name on coins and inscriptions is Aizanoi, and also
in Herodian, the grammarian, as quoted by Stephanus. Azani is a city of Phrygia
Epictetus. The district, which was called Azanitis, contained the sources of the
river Rhyndacus.
This place, which is historically unknown, contains very extensive
ruins, which were first visited in 1824 by the Earl of Ashburnham (Arundell‘s
Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 347); it had been incorrectly stated (Cramer's Asia Minor,
vol. ii. p. 14) that the ruins were discovered by Dr. Hall. They have since been
visited by several other travellers. The remains are at a place called Tchavdour-Hissar,
on the left bank of the Rhyndacus. There are two Roman bridges with elliptical
arches over the Rhyndacus; or three according to Fellows. (Plan, p. 141.) On the
left bank of the Rhyndacus, on a slight eminence, is a beautiful Ionic temple,
one of the most perfect now existing in Asia Minor. (Hamilton, Researches, &c.,
vol. i. p. 101.) Eighteen columns and one side and end of the cella are standing.
There are also the colossal foundations of another temple; and some remains of
a third. The theatre is situated near half a mile from the temple; and there is
a stadium which extends north and south in a direct line of prolongation from
the theatre, with which it is immediately connected, although at a lower level.
Some of the marble seats, both in the stadium and in the theatre, are well preserved,
and of highly finished workmanship. There is a view of the temple of Azani in
Fellows' Asia Minor. There are many fronts of tombs sculptured as doors with panels
and devices, having inscriptions. (Fellows, who has given a drawing of one of
these doors.) Among the coins which Hamilton procured at this place, and in the
surrounding country, there were coins of Augustus, Claudius, Faustina, and other
imperial personages. Some also were autonomous, the legends being Demos, Hiera
Boule, or Hierasunkletos Aizaneiton, or Aizaniton. Several inscriptions from Azani
have been copied by Fellows, and by Hamilton. None of the inscriptions are of
early date, and probably all of them belong to the Roman period. One of these
records the great, both benefactor and saviour and founder of the city, Cl. Stratonicus,
who is entitled consul (hupaton); and the monnment was erected by his native city.
This Stratonicus, we may infer from the name Claudius, was a native, who had obtained
the Roman citizenship. The memorial was erected in the second praetorship (to
B strategountos) of Cl. Apollinarius. Another inscription contains the usual formula,
he Boule kai ho Demos. In the interior of the cella of, the temple there are four
long inscriptions, one in well formed Greek characters, another in inferior Greek
characters, and two in badly cut Roman characters. There are also inscriptions
on the outside of the cella. It appears from one inscription that the temple,
which is now standing, was dedicated to Zeus.
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ΑΙΓΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Aegae, Aighai: Eth. Aigaios, Aigalheus. An Aeolian city (Herod. i. 149),
a little distance from the coast of Mysia, and in the neighbourhood of Cume and
Temnus. It is mentioned by Xenophon (Hellen. iv. 8. § 5) under the name Ainxis,
which Schneider has altered into Aighai. It suffered from the great earthquake,
which in the time of Tiberius (A.D. 17) desolated 12 of the cities of Asia. (Tacit.
Ann. ii. 47.)
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ΑΙΟΛΙΣ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Aeolis (Aiolhis, Aeolia), a district on the west coast of Asia Minor, which
is included by Strabo in the larger division of Mysia. The limits of Aeolis are
variously defined by the ancient geographers. Strabo makes the river Hermus and
Phocaea the southern limits of Aeolis and the northern of Ionia. He observes,
that as Homer makes one of Aeolis and Troja, and the Aeolians occupied the whole
country from the Hermus to the coast in the neighbourhood of Cyzicus and founded
cities, neither shall I imperfectly make my description by putting together that
which is now properly called Aeolis, which extends from the Hermus to Lectum,
and the country which extends from Lectum to the Aesepus. Aeolis, therefore, properly
so called, extended as far north as the promontory of Lectum, at the northern
entrance of the bay of Adramyttium. The bay of Adramyttium is formed by the S.
coast of the mountainous tract in which Ilium stood, by the island of Lesbos,
and by the coast of Aeolis S. of Adramyttium, which runs from that town in a SW.
direction. The coast is irregular. South of the bay of Adramyttium is a recess,
at the northern point of which are the Hecatonnesi, a numerous group of small
islands, and the southern boundary of which is the projecting point of the mainland,
which lies nearest opposite to the southern extremity of Lesbos. The peninsula
on which the town of Phocaea stood, separates the gulf of Cume on the N. from
the bay of Smyrna on the S. The gulf of Cume receives the rivers Evenus and Caicus.
The territory of the old Aeolian cities extended northward from the Hermus to
the Calicus, comprising the coast and a tract reaching 10 or 12 miles inland.
Between the bay of Adramyttium and the Caicus were the following towns: -Cisthene
(Kidthhene, Chirin-koi), on a promontory, a deserted place in Strabo's time. There
was a port, and a copper mine in the interior, above Cisthene. Further south were
Coryphantis (KornPhanthis), Heracleia (Heraklheia), and Attea (Hattea, Ajasmat-koi).
Coryphantis and Heracleia once belonged to the Mytilenaeans. Herodotus (i. 149)
describes the tract of country which these Aeolians possessed, as superior in
fertility to the country occupied by the cities of the Ionian confederation, but
inferior in climate. He enumerates the following 11 cities: Cume, called Phriconis;
Lerissae, Neon Teichos, Temnus, Cilla, Notium, Aegiroessa, Pitane, Aegaeae, Myrina,
and Grynexa. Smyrna, which was originally one of them, and made the number 12,
fell into the hands of the Ionians. Herodotus says, that these 11 were all the
Aeolian cities on the mainland, except those in the Ida; for these are separated
(i. 151); and in another place (v. 122) Herodotus calls those people Aeolians
who inhabited the Ilias, or district of Ilium.
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ΑΛΑΒΑΝΔΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Alabanda (he Alabanda, ta Alabanda: Eth. Alabandeus, Alabandeus,
Alabandensis, Alabandenus: Adj. Alabandicus), a city of Caria, was situated
160 stadia S. of Tralles, and was separated from the plain of Mylasa by a mountain
tract. Strabo describes it as lying at the foot of two hills (as some read the
passage), which are so close together as to present the appearance of an ass
with its panniers on. The modern site is doubtful; but Arab Hiss&,acute; on
a large branch of the Maeander, now called the Tshina, which joins that river
on the S. bank, is supposed by Leake to represent Alabanda; and the nature of
the ground corresponds well enough with Strabo's description. The Tshina may
probably be the Marsyas of Herodotus (v. 118). There are the remains of a theatre
and many other buildings on this site; but very few inscriptions. Alabanda was
noted for the luxurious habits of the citizens. Under the Roman empire it was
the seat of a Conventus Juridicus or court house, and one of the most flourishing
towns of the province of Asia. A stone called lapis Alabandicus, found in the
neighbourhood, was fusible (Plin. xxxvi. 8. s. 13), and used for making glass,
and for glazing vessels.
Stephanus mentions two cities of the name of Alabanda in Caria,
but it does not appear that any other writer mentions two. Herodotus, however
(vii. 195), speaks of Alabanda in Caria (ton en tei Kariei), which is the Alabanda
of Strabo. The words of description added by Herodotus seem to imply that there
was another city of the name; and in fact he speaks, in another passage (viii.
136), of Alabanda, a large city of Phrygia. This Alabanda of Phrygia cannot
be the town on the Tshina, for Phrygia never extended so far as there.
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ΑΛΙΚΑΡΝΑΣΣΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Halikarnassos: Eth. Halikarnasseus, Halicarnassensis: Bodrun or Boudroum),
a Greek city on the coast of Asia Minor, on the Ceramian gulf. It was a colony
of Troezene in Argolis established on the slope of a precipitous rock, and one
of the six towns constituting the Doric hexapolis in Asia Minor, the five other
towns. being Cnidos, Cos, and the three Rhodian towns Ialysus, Lindus, and Camirus.
(Herod. vii. 99, iii. 14; Strab. xiv. pp. 653, 656; Paus. ii. 30. § 8; Ptol. v.
2. § 10; Pomp. Mel. i. 16; Plin. v. 29; Steph. B. s. v.) The isthmus on which
it was situated was called Zephyrium, whence the city at first bore the name of
Zephyria. Halicarnassus was the largest and strongest city in all. Caria (Diod.
Sic. xv. 90), and had two or even three very impregnable arces; the principal
one, called Salmacis, was situated on a precipitous rock at the northern extremity
of the city [p. 1027] (Arrian, Anab. i. 23; Vitruv. ii. 8; Diod. xvii. 23, foll.),
and received its name from the well Salmacis, which gushed forth near a temple
of Aphrodite at the foot of the rock, and the water of which was believed to exercise
an enervating influence (Ov. Met. iv. 302). But Strabo justly controverts this
belief, intimating that the sensual enjoyments and the delicious character of
the climate must rather be considered to have produced the effects ascribed to
the Salmacis. Another arx was formerly believed to have been in the island of
Arconnesus in front of the great harbour, which is now called Orak Ada; but this
belief was founded upon an incorrect reading in Arrian. (Strab. l. c.; Arrian,
Anab. i. 23; Hamilton, Researches, ii. p. 34.) Besides the great harbour, the
entrance to which was narrowed by piers on each side, there was a smaller one
to the southeast of it. Halicarnassus, as already remarked, originally belonged
to the Doric hexapolis; but in consequence of some dispute which had arisen, it
was excluded from the confederacy. (Herod. i. 144.) During the Persian conquests
it was, like all the other Greek towns, compelled to submit to Persia, but does
not appear to have been less prosperous, or to have lost its Greek character.
While the city was under the dominion of the Persians, Lygdamis set himself up
as tyrant, and his descendants, as vassals of the kings of Persia, gradually acquired
the dominion of all Caria. Artemisia, the widow of Lygdamis, fought at Salamis
in the fleet of Xerxes. The most celebrated among their successors are Mausolus
and his wife and sister Artemisia, who, on the death of Mausolus, erected in his
honour a sepulchral monument of such magnificence that it was regarded as one
of the seven wonders of the ancient world. This Carian dynasty, though subject
to Persia, had themselves adopted Greek manners and the Greek language, and had
a taste for the arts of Greece. But notwithstanding this, Halicarnassus was faithful
to Persia, and was one of the great strongholds of the Persians on that coast,
and a chief station of the Persian forces. This, and the gallant defence with
which the Halicarnassians defended themselves against Alexander, induced that
conqueror, after a protracted siege, to destroy the city by fire. He was, however,
unable to take the acropolis Salmacis, in which the inhabitants had taken refuge.
(Strab. and Arrian, l. c.; Died. Sic. xvii. 23, foll.; Curtius, ii. 9, foll.)
From this blow Halicarnassus never recovered, though the town was rebuilt. (Cic.
ad Quint. Frat. i. 1) In the time of Tiberius it no longer boasted of its greatness,
but of its safety and freedom from earth-quakes. (Tac. Ann. iv. 55.) Afterwards
the town is scarcely mentioned at all, although the Mausoleum continued to enjoy
its former renown. (Const. Porph. de Them. i. 14; see the descriptions of it in
Plin. xxxvi. 9, and Vitruv. ii. 8.) The course of the ancient walls can still
be distinctly traced, and remains of the Mausoleum, situated on the slope of the
rock east of Salmacis, and of the arx, as well as the spring Salmacis, still exist.
(Hamilton's Researches, ii. pp. 34, foil.) Among the numerous temples of Halicarnassus,
one of Aphrodite was particularly beautiful. (Diod.; Vitruv. l. c.) To us the
city is especially interesting as the birthplace of two historians, Herodotus
and Dionysius. Some interesting sculptures, brought from Boudroum, and supposed
to have originally decorated the Mausoleum, are now in the British Museum.
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ΑΛΙΝΔΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Alinda (Alinda: Eth. Alindeus), a city of Caria, which was surrendered
to Alexander by Ada, queen of Caria. It was one of the strongest places in Caria
(Arrian. Anab. i. 23; Strab. p. 657). Its position seems to be properly fixed
by Fellows (Discoveries in Lycia, p. 58) at Demmeergee-derasy, between Arab
Hissa and Karpuslee, on a steep rock. He found no inscriptions, but out of twenty
copper coins obtained here five had the epigraph Alinda.
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ΑΜΥΖΟΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Amyzon (Amuzon), an inconsiderable town of Caria. (Strab. p. 658.)
The ruins of the citadel and walls exist on the east side of Mount Latmus, on
the road from Bafi to Tchisme. The place is identified by an inscription. (Leake,
Asia Minor, p. 238.)
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ΑΝΑΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Annaea or Anaea (Annaia, Anhaia: Eth. Anaios, Anaites), is placed
by Stephanus (s. v. Anaia) in Caria, and opposite to Samos. Ephorus says that
it was so called from an Amazon Anaea, who was buried there. If Anaea was opposite
Samos, it must have been in Lydia, which did not extend south of the Maeander.
From the expressions of Thucydides (iii. 19, 32, iv. 75, viii. 19), it may have
been on or near the coast, and in or near the valley of the Maeander. Some Samian
exiles posted themselves here in the Peloponnesian war. The passage of Thucydides
(iv. 75) seems to make it a naval station, and one near enough to annoy Samos.
The conclusion, then, is, that it was a short distance north of the Maeander,
and on the coast; or if not on the coast, that it was near enough to have a station
for vessels at its command.
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ΑΝΤΙΟΧΕΙΑ ΠΡΟΣ ΜΑΙΑΝΔΡΩ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Antiocheia ad Maeandrum (A. pros Maiandro), a small city on the Maeander,
in Caria, in the part adjacent to Phrygia. There was a bridge there. The city
had a large and fertile territory on both sides of the river, which was noted
for its figs. The tract was subject to earthquakes. (Strab. p. 630.) Pliny (v.
29) says that the town was surrounded by the Orsinus,--or Mosynus, as some read
the name,--by which he seems to mean that it is in the angle formed by the junction
of this small river with the Maeander. Hamilton (Researches, &c., vol. i. p. 529)
fixes the position between 4 and 5 miles SE. of Kuyuja, and near the mouth of
the rich valley of the Kara Su, which it commands, as well as the road to Ghera,
the ancient Aphrodisias. The remains are not considerable. They consist of the
massive walls of the Acropolis, and an inner castle in a rude and barbarous style,
without any traces of Hellenic character; but there is a stadium built in the
same style, and this seems to show the antiquity of both. East of the acropolis
there are many remains of arches, vaults, and substructions of buildings. There
is also the site of a small theatre. (Comp. Fellows, Discoveries in Lycia, p.
27.)
Pliny says that Antiocheia is where the towns Seminethos (if the reading
is right) and Cranaos were. Cranaos is an appropriate name for the site of Antiocheia.
Stephanus (s. v. Antiocheia) says that the original name of the place was Pythopolis,
and that Antiochus son of Seleucus built a town here, which he named Antiocheia,
after his mother Antiochis. The consul Cn. Manlius encamped at Antiocheia (B.C.
189) on his march against the Galatae (Liv. xxxviii. 13). This city was the birthplace
of Diotrephes, a distinguished sophist, whose pupil Hybreas was the greatest rhetorician
of Strabo's time. There are numerous medals of this town of the imperial period.
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ΑΡΠΑΣΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Harpasa (Harpasa: Eth. Harpaseus), a town in Caria, on the eastern
bank of the river Harpasus, a tributary of the Maeander. (Ptol. v. 2. § 19; Steph.
B. s. v.; Plin. v. 29; Hierocl. p. 688.) The ruins found opposite to Nasli, at
a place called Arpas Kalessi, undoubtedly belong to Harpasa. (Fellowes, Discov.
in Lyc. p. 51; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 249; Richter, Wallfahrten, p. 540.) Pliny
mentions a wonderful rock in its neighbourhood, which moved on being pressed with
a finger, but did not yield to the pressure of the whole body.
ΑΡΤΕΜΙΣΙΟ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Artemisium (Artemision). The name of the northern coast and of a promontory
of Euboea, immediately opposite the Thessalian Magnesia, so called from the temple
of Artemis Proseoa, belonging to the town of Histiaea. It was off this coast that
the Grecian fleet fought with the fleet of Xerxes, B.C. 480. (Herod. vii. 175,
viii. 8; Plut. Them. 7; Diod. xi. 12.)
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ΑΤΑΡΝΕΥΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Atarneus or Atarna (Atarneus, Atarna: Eth. Atarneus, Atarneites),
a city of Mysia, opposite to Lesbos, and a strong place. It was on the road from
Adramyttium to the plain of the Caicus. (Xen. Anab. vii. 8. 8) Atarneus seems
to be the genuine original name, though Atarna, or Atarnea, and Aterne (Pliny)
may have prevailed afterwards. Stephanus, who only gives the name Atarna, consistently
makes the ethnic name Atarneus. Herodotus (i. 160) tells a story of the city and
its territory, both of which were named Atarneus, being given to the Chians by
Cyrus, for their having surrendered to him Pactyes the Lydian. Stephanus (s. v.
Apaisos) and other ancient authorities consider Atarneus to be the Tarne of Homer
(Il. v. 44); but perhaps incorrectly. The territory was a good corn country. Histiaeus
the Milesian was defeated by the Persians at Malene in the Atarneitis, and taken
prisoner. (Herod. vi. 28, 29.) The place was occupied at a later time by some
exiles from Chios, who from this strong position sallied out and plundered Ionia.
(Diod. xiii. 65; Xen. Hell. iii. 2. 11) This town was once the residence of Hermeias
the tyrant, the friend of Aristotle. Pausanias (vii. 2. § 11) says that the same
calamity betel the Atarneitae which drove the Myusii from their city [Myus]; but
as the position, of the two cities was not similar, it is not quite clear what
he means. They left the place, however, if his statement is true; and Pliny (v.
30), in his time, mentions Atarneus as no longer a city. Pausanias (iv. 35. §
10) speaks of hot springs at Astyra, opposite to Lesbos, in the Atarneus. [Astyra]
The site of Atarneus is generally fixed at Dikeli-Koi. There are autonomous
coins of Atarneus, with the epigraph ATA. and ATAP.
There was a place near Pitane called Atarneus. (Strab. p. 614.)
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ΑΦΡΟΔΙΣΙΑΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΪΔΙΝ
Aphrodisias (Aphrodisias: Eth. Aphrodisieus, Aphrodisiensis). An ancient
town of Caria, situated at Ghera or Geyra, south of Antiocheia on the Maeander,
as is proved by inscriptions which have been copied by several travellers. Drawings
of the remains of Aphrodisias have been made by the order of the Dilettanti Society.
There are the remains of an Ionic temple of Aphrodite, the goddess from whom the
place took the name of Aphrodisias; fifteen of the white marble columns are still
standing. A Greek inscription on a tablet records the donation of one of the columns
to Aphrodite and the demus. Fellows (Lycia, p. 32) has described the remains of
Aphrodisias, and given a view of the temple. The route of Fellows was from Antiocheia
on the Maeander up the valley of the Mosynus, which appears to be the ancient
name of the stream that joins the Maeander at Antiocheia; and Aphrodisias lies
to the east of the head of the valley in which the Mosynus rises, and at a considerable
elevation.
Stephanus (s. v. Megalopolis), says that it was first a city of the
Leleges, and, on account of its magnitude, was called Megalopolis; and it was
also called Ninoe, from Ninus (see also s. v. Ninoe),--a confused bit of history,
and useful for nothing except to show that it was probably a city of old foundation.
Strabo assigns it to the division of Phrygia; but in Pliny (v. 29) it is a Carian
city, and a free city (Aphrodisienses liberi) in the Roman sense of that period.
In the time of Tiberius, when there was an inquiry about the right of asyla, which
was claimed and exercised by many Greek cities, the Aphrodisienses relied on a
decree of the dictator Caesar for their services to his party, and on a recent
decree of Augustus. (Tac. Ann. iii. 62.) Sherard, in 1705 or 1716, copied an inscription
at Aphrodisias, which he communicated to Chishull, who published it in his Antiquitates
Asiaticae. This Greek inscription is a Consultum of the Roman senate, which confirms
the privileges granted by the Dictator and the Triumviri to the Aphrodisienses.
The Consultum is also printed in Oberlin‘s Tacituss, and elsewhere. This Consultum
gives freedom to the demus of the Plaraseis and the Aphrodisieis. It also declares
the temenos of the goddess Aphrodite in the city of the Plaraseis and the Aphrodisieis
to have the same rights as the temple of the Ephesia at Ephesus; and the temenos
was declared to be an asylum. Plarasa then, also a city of Caria, and Aphrodisias
were in some kind of alliance and intimate relation. There are coins of Plarasa;
and coins with a legend of both names are also not very uncommon. (Leake.)
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ΒΑΡΓΑΣΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Bargasa (Bargasa: Eth. Bargasenos), a city of Caria. The Ethnic name
is given by Stephanus on the authority of Apollonius in his Carica. There are
also coins of Bargasa with the epigraph Bargasenon. It is mentioned by Strabo
(p. 656), who, after speaking of Cnidus, says, then Ceramus and Bargasa, small
places above the sea. The next place that he mentions is Halicarnassus. Bargasa
is therefore between Cnidus and Halicarnassus. Leake places Bargasa in his map,
by conjecture, at the head of the gulf of Cos, at a place which he marks Djovata;
this seems to be the Giva of Cramer. Neither of them states the authority for
this position.
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ΒΑΡΓΥΛΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Bargylia (ta Bargulia: Eth. Barguliates: and Bargyletes, Cic. ad Farm.
xiii. 56), a city of Caria (Steph. s. v.), which the Carians name Andanus, calling
it a foundation of Achilles; and it is near Iasus and Myndus. Mela (i. 16), who
calls it Bargylos, also places it on the bay of lasus; and the bay of lasus was
also called Bargylieticus. (Liv. xxxvii. 17; Polyb. xvi. 12.) Chandler, who was
in these parts, could not find Bargylia. Leake conjectures that it may be on the
bay between Pasha Limane and Asyn Kalesi. There was at Bargylia a statue of Artemis
Cindyas under the bare sky, probably in a temple, about which statue the incredible
story was told, that neither rain nor snow ever fell on it. (Polyb. xvi. 12; comp.
the corrupt passage in Strabo, p. 658, and Groskurd's note, vol. iii. p. 54.)
Philip III. of Macedonia had a garrison in Bargylia, which the Romans required
him to withdraw as one of the terms of peace (Liv. xxxiii. 30; Polyb. xvii. 2,
xviii. 31); and the Bargyliatae were declared free.
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ΔΑΙΔΑΛΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Daedala (ta Daidala: Eth. Daidaleus), a city of the Rhodia, that is,
the Peraea in Caria, or a small place, as Stephanus B. says (s. v.), on the authority
of Strabo; and also a mountain tract in Lycia.
The eastern limit of the Rhodian Peraea was the town of Daedala, and
after Daedala, which belongs to the Rhodii, is a mountain of the same name, Daedala,
where commences the line of the Lycian coast: near the mountain, that is, on the
coast, is Telmissus, a town of Lycia, and the promontory Telmissis. (Strab. pp.
664, 665.) The Daedala is that part of the mountain country of Lycia which lies
between the Dalamon Tchy and the middle course of the Xanthus; and the high land
comes down to the coast at the head of the gulf of Glaucus or Makri. (Map, &c.
by Hoskyn, London Geog. Journal, vol. xii.) In Mr. Hoskyn's map just referred
to, the ruins of Daedala are placed near the head of the gulf of Glaucus, on the
west side of a small river named Inigi Chai, which seems to be the river Ninus,
of which Alexander in his Lyciaca (Steph. B. s. v. Daidala) tells the legend,
that Daedalus was going through a marsh on the Ninus, or through the Ninus river,
when he was bitten by a water snake, and died and was buried there, and there
the city Daedala was built. The valley through which the Ninus flows, is picturesque,
and well-cultivated. On the mountain on the W. side of the valley is an ancient
site, probably Daedala: here are numerous tombs hewn in the rocks in the usual
Lycian style; some are well-finished. The acropolis stood on a detached hill;
on its summits are remains of a well, and a large cistern. We did not find any
inscriptions. (Hoskyn.) But though no inscriptions were found, there is hardly
any doubt that the place is Daedala. Pliny (v. 31) mentions two islands off this
coast belonging to the Daedaleis. There is an island off the coast east of the
mouth of the Inigi Chai, and another west of the mouth of the river; and these
may be the islands which Pliny means. The islands of the Cryeis, three according
to Pliny, lie opposite to Crya, on the west side of the gulf of Makri. Livy (xxxvii.
22) mentions Daedala as a parvum castellum. Ptolemy (v. 2) places Daedala, and
indeed the whole of the west side of the gulf of Glaucus, in Lycia.
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ΔΑΛΔΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΥΔΙΑ
Daldis (he Daldis: Eth. Daldianos), a town which Ptolemy places on
the borders of Phrygia and Lydia (v. 2); and Suidas (s. v. Artemidoros), in Lydia.
It was the birthplace of Artemidorus, the author of the Oneirocritica. There are
coins of the imperial period with the epigraph Daldianon. The site is unknown.
ΔΙΔΥΜΑ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Branchidae (Branchidai). After Poseideion, the promontory in the territory
of the Milesians, is the oracle of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidae, about 18 stadia
the ascent (from the sea). (Strab. p. 634.) The remains of the temple are visible
to one who sails along the coast. (Hamilton, Researches, &c., vol. ii. p. 29.)
Pliny (v. 29) places it 180 stadia from Miletus, and 20 from the sea. It was in
the Milesian territory, and above the harbour Panormus. (Herod. i. 157.) The name
of the site of the temple was Didyma or Didymi (Diduma, Steph. s. v.; Herod. vi.
19), as we might also infer from the name of Apollo Didymeus; but the place was
also called Branchidae, which was the name of a body of priests who had the care
of the temple. Croesus, king of Lydia (Herod. i. 46, 92), consulted the oracle,
and made rich presents to the temple. The god of Branchidae was consulted by all
the Ionians and Aeolians; and Necos, king of Egypt, after he had taken Cadytis
(Herod. ii. 159), sent to the god the armour in which he had been victorious.
We may infer that the fame of this god had been carried to Egypt by the Milesians,
at least as early as the time of Necos. After the revolt of Miletus and its capture
by the Persians (B.C. 494) in the time of the first Darius, the sacred place at
Didyma, that is the sacred place of Apollo Didymeus, both the temple and the oracular
shrine were robbed and burnt by the Persians. If this is true, there was hardly
time for the temple to be rebuilt and burnt again by Xerxes, the son of Darius,
as Strabo says (p. 634); who also has a story that the priests (the Branchidae)
gave up the treasures to Xerxes when he was flying back from Greece, and accompanied
him. to escape the punishment of their treachery and sacrilege. (Comp. Strab.
p. 517.)
The temple was subsequently rebuilt by the Milesians on an enormous
scale; but it was so large, says Strabo, that it remained without a roof. A village
grew up within the sacred precincts, which contained several temples and chapels.
Pausanias (vii. 2) says that the temple of Apollo at Didymi was older than the
Ionian settlements in Asia. The tomb of Neleus was shown on the way from Miletus
to Didymi, as Pausanias writes it. It was adorned with many most costly and ancient
ornaments. (Strabo.)
A road called the Sacred Way led from the sea up to the temple; it
was bordered on either side with statues on chairs, of a single block of stone,
with the feet close together and the hands on the knees, an exact imitation of
the avenues of the temples of Egypt. (Leake, Asia Minor, p. 239.) Sir W. Gell
copied from the chair of a sitting statue on this way, a Boustrophedon inscription,
which contains topolloni, that is toi Apolloni. The temple at Branchidae was of
white marble, in some parts bluish. There remain only two columns with the architrave
still standing; the rest is a heap of ruins. The height of the columns is 63 feet,
with a diameter of 6 1/2 feet at the base of the shaft. It has 21 columns on the
flanks, and 4 between the antae of the pronaos, 112 in all; for it was decastyle
dipteral. Chandler describes the position and appearance of the ruins of Apollo's
temple at Didyma (c. 43, French Tr. with the notes of Servois and Barbie Du Bocage;
see also the Ionian Antiquities, published by the Dilettanti Society).
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ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΠΟΛΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Dionysopolis (Dionusou polis: Eth. Dionusopoleites), a city of Phrygia.
The Ethnic name occurs on medals, and in a letter of M. Cicero to his brother
Quintus (ad Q. Fr. i. 2), in which he speaks of the people of Dionysopolis being
very hostile to Quintus, which must have been for something that Quintus did during
his praetorship of Asia. Pliny (v. 29) places the Dionysopolitae in the conventus
of Apamea, which is all that we know of their position. We may infer from the
coin that the place was on the Maeander, or near it. Stephanus (s. v.) says that
it was founded by Attalus and Eumenes. Stephanus mentions another Dionysopolis
in Pontus, originally called Cruni, and he quotes two verses of Scymnus about
it.
ΔΩΡΙΕΙΣ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Doris Pliny (v. 28) says, Caria mediae Doridi circumfunditur ad mare
utroque latere ambiens, by which he means that Doris is surrounded by Caria on
all sides, except where it is bordered by the sea. He makes Doris begin at Cnidus.
In the bay of Doris he places Leucopolis, Hamaxitus, &c. An attempt has been made
elsewhere to ascertain which of two bays Pliny calls Doridis Sinus. This Doris
of Pliny is the country occupied by the Dorians, which Thucydides (ii. 9) indicates,
not by the name of the country, but of the people: Dorians, neighbours of the
Carians. Ptolemy (v. 2) makes Doris a division of his Asia, and places in it Halicarnassus,
Ceramus, and Cnidus. The term Doris, applied to a part of Asia, does not appear
to occur in other writers.
ΕΡΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Erae (Erai), a place on the coast of Ionia, mentioned by Thucydides
(viii. 19), in the vicinity of Lebedus and Teos. It was fortified strong enough
to keep out the Athenians, who attacked it. (Thuc. viii. 20.) Strabo mentions
Erae as a small town belonging to Teos; but though the reading Erai has been received
into some texts of Strabo, some of the MSS. are said to have Gerai, and Casaubon
has kept that reading in his text. (See Groskurd, Transl. Strab. vol. iii. p.
23, note.) There seems some confusion about the name Gerae, Gerraidae (Strabo),
and the harbour Geraesticus (Liv. xxxvii. 27), on which Groskurd's note may be
consulted. Palmerius conjectured that the name Erae, which he takes to be the
true name of the place, is corrupted into Agra in Scylax. Chandler (Asia Minor,
c. 26) supposed the modern site of Gerae to be Segigeck (as he writes it), 8 hours
from Smyrna. There is a view of the place in the Ionian Antiquities. Chandler
describes some remains of antiquity there. Some of the inscriptions found at this
place were published by Chishull and some by Chandler. Segigeck is at tile head
of a fine bay. There is a good note on Gerae in the French edition of Chandler's
Travels (vol. i. p. 420).
Hamilton (Researches, &c. vol. ii. p. 11) describes Sighajik as a
snug harbour, and he seems to conclude correctly that it is Livy's Geraesticus,
which Livy describes as the port of Teos qui ab tergo urbis est, and thus distinguishes
it from the harbour, qui ante urbem est. (Liv. xxxvii. 29.) The consideration
of the inscriptions found at Sighajik belongs to the article Teos. If we suppose
Gerae to be the true reading in Strabo, we may identify Gerae and Geraesticus;
but there is a difficulty about Erae in Thucydides, for his text does not enable
us to determine exactly where it is, though it seems to have been not far from
Teos. Proper names are not always right in the text of Thucydides, and this is
probably one example.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited September 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ΕΡΥΘΡΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Erythrae (Eruthrai: Eth. Eruthraios), a city of the Ionians (Steph.
B. s. v.), on the authority of the Asia of Hecataeus; to which the compiler adds,
and it was called Knopoupolis, from Cnopus. Erythrae was one of the Ionian cities.
(Herod. i. 142.) According to the legend told by Pausanias (vii. 3. § 7), the
place was originally settled by Erythrus, the son of Rhadamanthus, from Crete;
and the city was occupied, together with Cretans, by Lycians, Carians, and Pamphylians.
While all these people were living together in Erythrae, Cleopus the son of Codrus,
having collected from all the cities of Ionia such as he could from each, introduced
them into the place, to live with the Erythraei. Strabo has the tradition of Cnopus,
an illegitimate son of Codrus, founding Erythrae. According to Casaubon, the MSS.
of Strabo have the name Cnopus, which he would alter to Cleopus; but perhaps Cleopus
in Pausanias should be corrected. Polyaenus (viii. 43) has the story of Cnopus,
and how, by a stratagem, he got possession of Erythrae, after killing the inhabitants;
a story which has the advantage over that of Pausanias in probability, for we
can conceive a general massacre of the original inhabitants of Erythrae and the
seizure of their town, better than the story of Cnopus and his men walking in
to live together with the original people. Hippias of Erythrae, in the second
book of his Histories of his native place, told a story of the murder of Cnopus
and the usurpation of his power by Ortyges, and of the extravagant tyranny and
violent death of Ortyges; which Athenaeus has preserved (vi. p. 259). The early
history of Erythrae, like that of most of the Ionian towns in Asia, was unknown.
Strabo, in another place, calls it a settlement from Erythrae in Boeotia.
Strabo describes Erythrae as being in the peninsula which he calls
the peninsula of the Teians and the Erythraeans. He places the Teians on the south
of the isthmus, and the Clazomenii on the north side; and the Erythraei dwell
within it. The boundary between the Erythraea and Clazomenae was the Hypocremnus.
On the south, Erae or Gerae belonged to the Teians. The peninsula lying west of
a line drawn from Gerae to Hypocremnus must be supposed to be the Erythraean territory.
As we proceed north and west from Gerae we come to Corycus, then another harbour
named Erythras; and, after it, several others. After Corycus was a small island,
Halonnesus, then Argennum, a promontory of the Erythraea, and the nearest point
to Chios. On the west side of the Erythraean peninsula is a capacious bay, in
which Erythrae is situated, opposite to the island of Chios; and there were in
front of Erythrae four small islands called Hippi. The rugged tract which lies
north of a line drawn from Erythrae to the Hypocremnus was called Mimas, a lofty
mountain region, covered with forests, And abounding in wild animals. It contained
a village, Cybellia, and the north-western point was called Melaena, where there
was a quarry for millstones. Pliny describes Mimas as running out Ccl M. P., which
is a great blunder or error in his text, whatever way we take it: he adds that
Mimas sinks down in the plains that join it to the mainland; and that this level
of 7 1/2 Roman miles Alexander ordered to be cut through by joining the two bays,
and so he intended to insulate Erythrae and Mimas. Pliny doubtless found the story
somewhere; and possibly among other grand things that the Macedonian king talked
of, this may have been one. The rugged insulated territory of the Erythraei produced
good wheat and wine.
Herodotus (i. 142) makes four varieties or dialects of language among
the Ionians; and the dialect of Chios and Eythrae was the same. The geographical
position of Erythrae, indeed, places it among the insular rather than the continental
states of Ionia. The neighbourhood of Chios and Erythrae and the sameness of language
did not make the people the best friends always, for there is a story of a war
between them (Herod. i. 18) at an early period. This may be the war to which Anticleides
alluded in his Nosti (Athen. ix. p. 384). The Erythraei furnished eight ships
to the confederate Ionian fleet which was defeated in the battle before Miletus,
B.C. 494 (Herod. vi. 8), but the Chians had 100 ships. Erythrae afterwards became
a dependency of Athens, for a revolt of Erythrae is mentioned by Thucydides (viii.
23) B.C. 412, in the twentieth year of the Peloponnesian War.
After the close of the war with Antiochus, the Romans rewarded the
Chians, Smyrnaeans, and Erythraeans, with some territory in return for their services
on the Roman side. (Liv. xxxviii. 39; Polyb. xxii. 27.) Parium on the Propontis
was a colony from Erythrae (Paus. ix. 27. § 1); but Strabo makes it a joint settlement
of the Erythraeans, Milesians, and the island of Paros.
Erythrae was famed in ancient times for a wise woman, Sibylla, as
Strabo calls her; aid in the time of Alexander there was another who had like
prophetic gifts, and her name was Athenais. (Comp. Pans. x. 12. § 7; Tacit. Ann.
vi. 12.) Contemporary with Strabo was Heracleides of Erythrae, a physician of
the school of Herophilus. Though Erythrae never was a town of great note, it existed
for a long time, and there are coins of Erythrae to a late period of the Roman
empire. The coins anterior to the Roman period are said to be very scarce.
The exact position of Erythrae is well ascertained. It is now called
Ritri, and it stands on the south side of a small peninsula, which projects into
the bay of Erythrae. Pliny (v. 29) mentions a stream called Aleos, which he seems
to place near Erythrae (xxxi. 2). But the name of the river on the coins of Erythrae
is Axus. Erythrae contained a very ancient temple of Hercules, whom the Erythraei
worshipped under the name of the Hercules of the Idaei Dactyli; and also the Tyrians,
as Pausanias discovered (vii. 5. § 5; ix. 27. § 8). Strabo says, that Hercules
Ipoctonos was worshipped by the Erythraeans who dwell about Melius, for the ips
is an insect that damages the vines; and this was the only country that was free
from this plague. The name Melius in this passage has been, perhaps, correctly
altered to Mimas. There was also a temple of Athena Polias at Erythrae: the goddess
was a large wooden figure seated. The remains of Erythrae are described by Chandler
(Asia Minor, cc. 25, 26.); and lately by Hamilton (Researches, &c., vol. ii. p.
6). It is situated in a small alluvial plain at the mouth of the river Aleus,
some of the sources of which are in the town itself. The city faces the west,
and the whole extent of the Hellenic walls may be distinctly traced, from the
commencement near the harbour, at the southern extremity of the town, to the northern
point, where they terminate on a lofty rock of trachyte. (Hamilton.) The walls
are well built in the isodomous style, except a small part of that which traverses
the plains, and they consist either of blue marble or red trachyte. There are
remains of several gateways, and outside of them also remains of ancient tombs
in various styles. Near the chief source of the Aleus there are many remains of
aqueducts, walls, terraces, and foundations of buildings with temples. (Hamilton.)
One of these remains is a wall supporting a terrace 38 feet in length, the lower
part of which consisted of a beautiful specimen of cyclopian architecture, the
angles of the different blocks being cut very sharp, while upon it was reared
a superstructure in the isodomous style, built with great regularity. (Hamilton.)
He conjectures that the site may have been that of the temple of Hercules, and
that three large Ionic capitals of red trachyte, which were lying in the water-course,
may have belonged to it.
The acropolis of Erythrae is within 200 yards of the shore; it is
a mass of red trachyte, and stands quite detached in the centre of the plain.
The remains of a large theatre are still visible, on the north side of it, excavated
in the solid rock. Near the mouth of the Aleus there are some remains of the port,
and traces of an aqueduct. The inscriptions copied by Hamilton at Ritri are printed
in his Appendix, vol. ii. One of the inscriptions that he dug out was the architrave
of a door, on which was a dedication to Minerva or the sibyl Athenais, by a person
whose name appears to be Artaxerxes. This is not quite a correct explanation,
for the inscription clearly contains a dedication to Athenaea Poliuchus.
Thucydides (viii. 24) mentions Pteleon and Sidussa as two forts or
walled places within the territory of Erythrae; and Pliny mentions Pteleon, Helos,
and Dorium as near Erythrae. There was also a place called Embatum in the Erythraean
territory.
Mela (i. 17) names a place Coryna in the Erythraean peninsula; but
it is doubtful what he means. The promontory Mesate of Pausanias (vii. 5. § 6)
appears to be the double point which extends from the southern part of the Erythraean
peninsula northward, separating what we may call the bay of Erythrae from the
strait of Chios.
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ΕΥΘΗΝΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Euthenae (Euthenai: Eth. Euthenaios and Eutheneus), a town of Caria,
on the Ceramicus Sinus. (Plin. v. 29; Steph. B. s. v.)
ΕΥΜΕΝΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Eumeneia (Eumeneia: Eth. Eumeneus: Ishekle), a town of Phrygia, situated
on the river Glaucus, on the road from Dorylaeum to Apameia. (Plin. v. 29; Strab.
xii. 576; Hierocl. p. 667.) It is said to have received its name from Attalus
II., who named the town after his brother and predecessor, Eumenes II. (Steph.
B. s. v.) Ruins and curious sculptures still mark the place as the site of an
ancient town. (Hamilton, Researches, &c. vol. ii. p. 165.) On some coins found
there we read Eumeneon Achaion, which seems to allude to the destruction of Corinth,
at which troops of Attalus were present. The district of the town bore the name
Eumenetica Regio, mentioned by Pliny. (Comp. Franz, Funf Inschriften u. funf Stadte
in Kleinasien, p. 10, foll.)
ΕΥΡΩΜΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Euromus (Euroomos: Eth. Euromeus, a town in Caria, at the foot of
Mount Grion, which runs parallel with Latmus, was built by one Euromus, a son
of Idris, a Carian. (Strab. xiii. pp. 636, 658; Steph. B. s. v.; Polyb. xvii.
2; Liv. xxxii. 33, xxxiii. 30, xlv. 25.) Under the Roman dominion Euromus belonged
to the conventus of Alabanda. (Plin. v. 28.) Ruins of a temple to the north-west
of Alabanda are considered by Leake to belong to Euromus. (Asia Min. p. 237.)
ΕΦΕΣΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Ephesus (Ephesos: Eth. Ephesios, Ephesites, Epheseus), a city in Lydia, one of
the twelve Ionian cities (Herod. i. 142), on the south side of the Caystrus, and
near its mouth. The port was called Panormus. The country around Ephesus was an
alluvial plain, as Herodotus observes (ii. 10). The name of Ephesus does not occur
in the Homeric poems, and there is no proof, says Strabo, that it was so old as
the Trojan War. According to a myth (Steph. B. s. v. Ephesos), the place was originally
called Smyrna, from Smyrna the Amazon: it was also called Samorna, and Trecheia,
and Ortygia, and Ptelea. The name Ephesus was said to be from one of the Amazons.
The name Ptelea appears in an inscription of the Roman period which was copied
by Chishull at Ephesus. Pliny (v. 29) has also preserved this legend of the Amazonian
origin of Ephesus, and a name Alope, which the place had at the time of the Trojan
War; a story found in Hyginus also. Pliny also. mentions the name Morges. The
legend of the Amazons is connected with the goddess Artemis, the deity of Ephesus.
Pausanias (vii. 2. § 6) has a legend about the temple of Ephesus being founded
by Ephesus, the son of the river Caystrus, and Cresus an autochthon.
Strabo, who had been at Ephesus, gives a pretty good description of
it (p. 639). As a man sailed northward through the channel that separates Samos
from Mycale, he came to the sea-coast of the Ephesia, part of which belongs to
the Samii. North of the Panionium. was Neapolis, which once belonged to Ephesus,
but in Strabo's time to the Samii, who had received it in exchange for Marathesium.
Next was Pygela, a small place with a temple of Artemis Munychia, a settlement
of Agamemnon,. according to a legend; and next the port called Panormus, which
contained a temple of Artemis Ephesia; and then the city. On this same coast,
a little above the sea, there was also Ortygia, a fine grove of various kinds
of trees, and particularly cypress. The stream Cenchrius flowed through it. The
stream and the place were connected with a legend of Lato and the birth of Apollo
and Artemis. Ortygia was the nurse who assisted Lato in her labour. Above the
grove was a mountain Solmissus, where the Curetes placed themselves, and with
the clashing of their arms prevented the jealous Hera, who was on the watch, from
hearing the cries of Lato. There were several temples in this place, old and new:
in the old temples there were ancient wooden statues; but in the later temples
others (skolia erga1 There, was Lato holding a staff, and Ortygia standing by
her with a child on each arm. The Cares and Leleges were the settlers of Ephesus,
according to one story (Strabo), and these two peoples or two names are often
mentioned together. But Pherecydes (Strab. p. 632) says that the Paralia of Ionia
was originally occupied by Carians from Miletus to the parts about Mycale and
Ephesus, and the remainder as far as Phocaea by Leleges. The natives were driven
out of Ephesus by Androclus and his Ionians, who settled about the Athenaeum and
the Hypelaeus, and they also occupied a part of the higher country (tes Paroreias)
about the Coressus. Pausanias preserves a tradition that Androclus drove out of
the country the Leleges, whom he takes to be a branch of the Carians, and the
Lydians who occupied the upper city; but those who dwelt about the temple were
not molested, and. they came to terms with the Ionians. This tradition shows that
the old temple was not in the city. The tomb of Androclus was still shown in the
time of Pausanias, on the road from the temple past the Olympieium, and to the
Pylae Magnetides; the figure on the tomb was an armed man (vii. 2.. § 6, &c.).
This place on the hill was the site of the city until Croesus' time, as Strabo
says. Croesus warred against the lonians of Ephesus (Herod. i, 26), and besieged
their city, at which time during the siege (so says the text) the Ephesii dedicated
their city to Artemis by fastening the city to the temple by a rope. It was seven
stadia between the old city, the city that was then besieged, and the temple.
This old city was the city on the Paroreia. After the time of Croesus the people
came down into the plain, and lived about the present temple (Strabo) to the time
of Alexander.
King Lysimachus built the walls of the city that existed in Strabo's
time; and as the people were not willing to remove to the new city, he waited
for a violent rain, which he assisted by stopping up the channels that carried
off the water, and so drowned the city, and made the people glad to leave it.
Lysimachus called his new city Arsinoe after his wife, but the name did not last
long. The story of the destruction of the old city, which was on very low ground,
is told by Stephanus (s. v. Ephesos) somewhat differently from Strabo. He attributes
the destruction to a violent storm of rain, which swelled the river. The town
was situated too low; and, as the Caystrus is subject to sudden risings, it was
damaged or destroyed, as modern towns sometimes have been which were planted too
near a river. Thousands were drowned, and valuable property was lost. Stephanus
quotes a small poem of Duris of Elaea made on the occasion, which attributes that
calamity to the rain and the sudden rising of the river. Nothing is known of Duris,
and we must suppose that he lived about the time of the destruction of Ephesus,
or about B.C. 322. (Comp. Eustath. ad Dionys. v. 827, who quotes the first two
lines of the epigramma of Duris.) Pausanias (i. 9. § 7) states that Lysimachus
removed to his new Ephesus the people of Colophon and Lebedus, from which time
the ruin of these two towns may be dated.
The history of Ephesus, though it was one of the chief of the Ionian
towns, is scanty. As it was founded by Androclus the son of Codrus, the kingly
residence (basileion, whatever the word means) of the lonians was fixed there,
as they say (Strab. p. 633), and even to now those of the family are named kings
(basileis) and have certain honours, the first seat in the games, and purple as
a sign of royalty, a staff instead of a sceptre, and the possession or direction
of the rites of Eleusinian Demeter (comp. Herod. i. 147). Ephesus was it seems
from an early period a kind of sacred city, for Thucydides (iii. 104), when he
is speaking of the ancient religious festival at Delos to which the Ionians and
the surrounding islanders used to go with their wives and children, adds, as now
the Iones to the Ephesia. Strabo has also preserved the tradition of Ephesus having
been called Smyrna, and he has a very confused story about the Smyrnaei leaving
the Ephesii to found Smyrna Proper. He quotes Callinus as evidence of the people
of Ephesus having been once named Smyrnaei, and Hipponax to prove that a spot
in Ephesus was named Smyrna. This spot lay between Trecheia and the Acte of Lepra;
and this Lepra was the hill Prion which was above the Ephesus of Strabo's time,
and contained part of the wall. He concludes that the Smyrna of old Ephesus was
near the gymnasium of the later town of Ephesus, between Trecheia and Lepra. The
old Athenaeum was without the limits of the later city.
The Cimmerians in an invasion of western Asia took Sardis except the
acropolis (Herod. i. 15), in the reign of the Lydian king Ardys; and it seems
that they got into the valley of the Caystrus and threatened Ephesus. (Callinus,
Bergk, Poetae Lyrici Graeci, p. 303.) Callinus also speaks of a war between the
Magnetes or people of Magnesia and Ephesus his native city (Strab.), which war
of course was before that inroad of the Cimmerii by which Magnesia was destroyed:
for there was a tradition of mere than one Cimmerian invasion. Ephesus fell successively
under the dominion of the Lydian and Persian kings. In B.C. 499, when the Athenians
and Eretrians with the Ionians went against Sardis, they sailed to Ephesus and
left their ships at Coressus. Some Ephesii were their guides up the valley of
the Caystrus and over the range of Tmolus. After the lonians had fired Sardis
they retreated; but the Persians overtook them at Ephesus and defeated the confederates
there. (Herod v. 102.) This is all that Herodotus says about Ephesus on this occasion.
After the naval battle before Miletus, in which the Ionian confederates were defeated,
some of the Chii, who had escaped to Mycale, made their way by night into the
Ephesia, where the women were celebrating the Thesmophoria, and the Ephesii, who
knew nothing of what had happened to the Chii, fell upon them supposing they were
robbers, and killed them or made a beginning at least. (Herod. vi. 16). The Ephesii
had no ships in the fight before Miletus; and we must conclude that they took
no part in the revolt. When Xerxes burnt the temple at Branchidae and the other
temples (Strab.), the temple of Ephesus was spared. Near the close of the Peloponnesian
War, Thrasyllus, an Athenian commander, who was on a marauding expedition, landed
at Ephesus, on which the Persian Tissaphernes summoned all the country to Ephesus
to the aid of Artemis. The Athenians were defeated and made off. (Xen Hell. i.
2. § 6.) Lysander, the Spartan commander, entered the port of Ephesus (B.C. 407)
with a fleet, his object being to have an interview with Cyrus at Sardis. While
he was repairing and fitting up his ships at Ephesus, Antiochus, the Athenian,
who was stationed at Notium as commander under Alcibiades, gave Lysander the opportunity
of fighting a seafight, in which the Athenians were defeated. (Xen. Hell. i. 5.
1, &c.) After the battle of Aegos Potami the Ephesians dedicated in the temple
of Artemis a statue of Lysander, and of other Spartans who were unknown to fame;
but after the decline of the Spartan power and the victory of Conon at Cnidus,
they set up statues of Conon and Timotheus in their temple, as the Samii also
did in their Heraeum. (Pans. vi. 3. § 15.)
There is no notice of Ephesus taking any active part in war against
the barbarians from the time of Croesus, who attacked this town first of all the
Ionian towns, and probably with the view of getting a place on the sea. For Ephesus
was the most convenient port for Sardis, being three days'journey distant (Xen.
Hell. iii. 2. 11), or 540 stadia (Herod. v. 54). It was the usual landing-place
for those who went to Sardis, as we see in many instances. (Xen. Anab. ii. 2.
6)
The Ionian settlers at Ephesus, according to tradition, found the
worship of Artemis there, or of some deity to whom they gave the name of Artemis.
(Callim. in Dian. 238.) A temple of Artemis existed in the time of Croesus, who
dedicated in the temple the golden cows and the greater part of the pillars, as
Herodotus has it (i. 92). Herodotus mentions the temple at Ephesus with that of
Hera at Samos as among the great works of the Greeks (ii. 146), but the Heraeum
was the larger. The original architect is named Chersiphron by Strabo, and another
architect enlarged it. The architect of the first temple that the lonians built
was a contemporary of Theodorus and Rhoecus, who built the Heraeum at Samos. When
Xenophon settled at Scillus, he built a temple to Artemis like the great one at
Ephesus; and he placed in it a statue of cypress like that of Ephesus, except
that the Ephesian Artemis was of gold. There was a stream Selinus near the temple
at Ephesus, and there was a stream so called at Scillus, or Xenophon gave it the
name. Xenophon was at Ephesus before he joined Agesilaus on his march from Asia
to Boeotia, and he deposited there the share that had been entrusted to him of
the tenth that had been appropriated to Apollo and Artemis of the produce of the
slaves which the Ten Thousand sold at Cerasus on their retreat. This fact shows
that the temple at Ephesus was one of the great holy places to the Ionic Hellenes.
(Xen. Anab. v. 3. 4, &c.) The worship of the goddess was carried by the Phocaeans
to Massalia (Marseille), and thence to the Massaliot settlements. (Strab. pp.
159,160, 179, 180, 184.) Dianium or Artemisium, on the coast of Spain, was so
called from having a temple of the Ephesian Artemis.
This enlarged temple of Artemis was burnt down by Herostratus, it
is said on the night on which Alexander was born. The, temple was rebuilt again,
and probably on the same site. The name of the architect is corrupted in the text
of Strabo, but it is supposed that the true reading is Dinocrates. Alexander,
when he entered Asia on his Persian expedition, offered to pay all that had been
expended on the new temple and all that it would still cost, if he might be allowed
to place the inscription on it; by which, as the answer of the Ephesii shows,
who decined his proposal, was meant his placing his name on the temple as the
dedicator of it to the goddess. The Ephesii undertook the building of their own
temple, to which the women contributed their ornaments, and the people gave their
property, and something was raised by the sale of the old pillars. But it was
220 years before the temple was finished.
The temple was built on low marshy ground to save it from earthquakes,
as Pliny says (xxxvi. 14), but Leake suggests another reason. The tall Ionic column
was more appropriate for a building in a plain, and the shorter Doric column looked
better on a height. Leake observes that all the greatest and most costly of the
temples of Asia, except one, are built on low and marshy spots. The Ephesii seem
always to have stuck to the old site of the temple, and it is probable that they
would have placed the new one there, even if their columns had been Doric instead
of Ionic.
The foundations of the new temple were laid on well-rammed charcoal
and wool. The length of the building was 425 feet, and the width 220. The columns
were 127, each made by a king, as Pliny says. The columns were 60 feet high, ad
36 were carved, and one of them by Scopas. The epistylia or stones that rested
over the intercolumniations, or on the part of the columns between the capitals,
and the frieze, were of immense size. It would take a book, says Pliny, to describe
all the temple; and Democritus of Ephesus wrote one upon it (Athen. xii. p. 525).
Leake (Asia Minor, p. 346) supposes that the temple had a double row of 21 columns
on each side, and a triple row of 10 columns at the two ends. This will make 120
columns, for 24 columns have been counted twice. If we add 4 columns in antis
at each end of the building, this will make the whole number 128, for the number
127 cannot be right. Leake has made his plan of the temple in English feet, on
the same scale as the other plans of temples; for he observes that we. cannot
tell whether Pliny used the Greek or the Roman foot. The English foot is somewhat
longer than the Roman, and less than the Greek. For the purpose of comparison
it is immaterial what foot is used. This was the largest of the Greek temples.
The area of the Parthenon at Athens was not one-fourth of that of the temple of
Ephesus; and the Heraeum of Samos, the great temple at Agrigentum and the Olympieium
at Athens were all less than the temple of Ephesus. The area of the Olympieium
was only about two-thirds of that of the Ephesian temple.
After the temple, that is, the construction of the building, was finished,
says Strabo, the Ephesians provided the abundant other ornaments by the freewill
offering of the artists, that is, the native artists of Ephesus. This is the meaning
that Groskurd gives to the obscure passage of Strabo (te ektimesei ton demiourgon):
and it is at least a probable meaning (Transl. Strab. vol. iii. p. 17). But the
altar was almost entirely filled with the work of Praxiteles. Strabo was also
shown some of the work of Thraso, a Penelope and the aged Eurycleia. The temple
contained one of the great pictures of Apelles, the Alexander Ceraunophoros (Plin.
xxxv. 10; Cic. c. Verr. ii. 4 c. 60). The priests were eunuchs, called Megalobuzi.
(Comp. Xen. Anab. v. 3, § 8.) They were highly honoured, and the Ephesii procured
from foreign places such as were worthy of the office. Virgins were also associated
with them in the superintendence of the temple. It was of old an asylum, and the
limits of the asylum were often varied. Alexander extended them to a stadium,
and Mithridates the Great somewhat further, as far as an arrow went that he shot
from the angle of the tiling of the roof (apo tes gonias tou keramou). M. Antonius
extended the limits to twice the distance, and thus comprised within them part
of the city; from which we learn that the temple was still out of the city, and
less than 1200 Greek feet from it. But this extension of the limits was found
to. be very mischievous, and the ordinance of Antonius was abolished by Augustus.
The extension of the limits by Antonius was exactly adapted to make, one part
of the city of Ephesus the rogues' quarter.
The growth of Ephesus, as a commercial city, seems to have been after
the time of Alexander. It was included within the dominions of Lysimachus, whose
reign lasted to B.C. 281. It afterwards was included in the dominions of the kings
of Pergamum. The city, says Strabo, has both ship-houses, and a harbour; but the
architects contracted the mouth of the harbour at the command of king Attalus,
named Philadelphus. The king supposing that the entrance would become deep enough
for large merchant vessels, and also the harbour, which had up to that time been
made shallow by the alluvium of the Caystrus, if a mole were placed in front of
the entrance, which was very wide. ordered it to be constructed. But it turned
out just the opposite to what he expected; for the alluvium being thus kept in
made all the harbour shallower as far as the entrance; but before this time, the
floods and the reflux of the sea took off the alluvium and carried it out to sea.
Strabo adds, that in his time, the time of Augustus, the city in all other respects,
owing to the favourable situation, is increasing daily, for it is the greatest
place of trade of all the cities of Asia west of the Taurus. The neighbourhood
of Ephesus also produced good wine.
After the mouth of the Caystrus, says Strabo, is a lake formed by
the sea, named Selinusia (Groskurd, Transl. Strab. vol. iii. p. 19, note, gives
his reasons for preferring the reading Selenusia); and close to it another lake,
which communicates with the Selinusia, both of which bring in a great revenue.
The kings (those of Pergamum, probably) took them away from the goddess, though
they belonged to her. The Romans gave them back to the goddess; but again the
publicani by force seized on the revenue that was got from them; but Artemidorus,
as he says himself, being sent to Rome, recovered the lakes for the goddess; and
the city of Ephesus set up his golden (gilded) statue in--the temple. Pliny (v.
29) seems to say that there were two rivers Selenuntes at Ephesus, and that the
temple of Diana lay between them. Bet these rivers have nothing to do with the
lakes, which were on the north side of the Caystrus, as the French editor of Chandler
correctly observes; and Pliny has probably confounded the river and the lakes.
The mountain Gallesus (Aleman) separated the territory of Ephesus, north of the
Caystrus, from that of Colophon. When Hannibal fled to Asia, he met king Antiochus
near Ephesus (Appian, Syr. c. 4); and when the Roman commissioners went to Asia
to see Antiochus, they had a good deal of talk with Hannibal while they were waiting
for the king, who was in Pisidia. Antiochus, during his war with the Romans, wintered
at Ephesus, at which time he had the design of adding to his empire all the cities
of Asia. (Liv. xxxiii. 38). Ephesus was then the king's head-quarters. The king's
fleet fought a battle with the fleet of the Romans and Eumenes at the port Corycus,
which is above Cyssus (Liv..xxxvi.43); and Polyxenidas, the admiral of Antiochus,
being defeated, fled back to the port of Ephesus (B.C. 189). [CASYSTES]
After the great defeat of Antiochus at Magnesia, near Sipylus, by L. Cornelius
Scipio, Polyxenidas left Ephesus, and the Romans occupied it. The Roman consul
divided his army into three parts, and wintered at Magnesia on the Maeander, Tralles,
and Ephesus. (Liv. xxxvii. 45). On the settlement of Asia after the war, the Romans
rewarded their ally Eumenes, king of Pergamum, with Ephesus, in addition to other
towns and countries, When the last Attalus of Pergamum died (B.C. 133) and left
his states to the Romans, Aristonicus, the son of an Ephesian woman by king Eumenes,
as the mother said, attempted to seize the kingdom of Pergamum. The Ephesii resisted
him, and defeated him in a naval fight off Cyme. (Strab.). The Romans now formed
their province of Asia (B.C. 129), of which Ephesus was the chief place, and the
usual residence of the Roman governor. One of the Conventus Juridici was also
named from Ephesus, which became the chief town for the administration of justice,
and of a district which comprised the Caesarienses, Metropolitae, Cilbiani inferiores
et superiores, Mysomacedones, Mastaurenses, Briullitae, Hypaepeni, Dioshieritae.
(Pliny, H.N. v. 29).
When Mithridates entered Ionia, the Ephesii and other towns gladly
received him, and the Ephesii threw down the statues of the Romans. (Appian, Mithrid.
c. 21). In the general massacre of the Romans, which Mithridates directed, the
Ephesii did not respect their own asylum, but they dragged out those who had taken
refuge there and put them to death. Mithridates, on his visit to western Asia,
married Monime, the daughter of Philopoemen of Stratonicea in Caria, and he made
Philopoemen his bailiff (episkopos of his town of Ephesus. But the Ephesii, who
were never distinguished for keeping on one side, shortly after murdered Zenobius,
a general of Mithridates, the same who carried the Chians off. L. Cornelius Sulla,
after his victories over Mithridates, punished the Ephesii for their treachery.
The Roman summoned the chief men of the Asiatic cities to Ephesus, and from his
tribunal addressed them in a speech, in which, after rating them well, he imposed
a heavy contribution on them, and gave notice that he would treat as enemies all
who did not obey his orders. This was the end of the political history of Ephesus.
Ephesus was now the usual place at which the Romans landed when they
came to Asia. When Cicero (B.C. 51) was going to his province of Cilicia, he says
that the Ephesii received him as if he had come to be their governor (ad Att.
v. 13). P. Metellus Scipio, who was at Ephesus shortly before the battle of Pharsalia,
was going to take the money that had been deposited from ancient times in the
temple at Ephesus, when he was summoned by Cn. Pompeius to join him in Epirus.
After the defeat of Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, M. Antonius paid a visit to
Ephesus, and offered splendid sacrifices to the goddess. He pardoned the partisans
of Brutus and Cassius, who had taken refuge in the temple, except two; and it
may have been on this occasion that he issued that order in favour of the rogues
of Ephesus which Augustus repealed. Antonius summoned the people of Asia, who
were at Ephesus represented by their commissioners, and, after recapitulating
the kindness that they had experienced from the Romans, and the aid that they
had given to Brutus and;Cassius, he told them that he wanted money; and that as
they had given his enemies ten years' taxes in two years, they must give him ten
years' taxes in one; and that they should be thankful for being let off more easily
than they deserved. The Greeks made a lamentable appeal to his mercy, urging that
they had given Brutus and Cassius money under compulsion; that they had even given
up their plate and ornaments, which had been coined into money before their eyes.
Antonius at last graciously signified that he would be content with nine years'
taxes, to be paid in two years. (Appian, B.C. v. 4, &c.) It was during this
visit that Antonius, according to Dion Cassius (xlviii. 24), took the brothers
of Cleopatra from their sanctuary in the temple of Diana at Ephesus, and put them
to death; but Appian (B.C. v. 9) says that it was Arsinoe, Cleopatra's sister,
and that she was taken from sanctuary in the temple of Artemis Leucophryne at
Miletus. Appian's account is the more trustworthy, for he speaks of the priest
of Ephesus, whom they call Megabyzus, narrowly escaping the vengeance of Antonius,
because he had once received Arsinoe as a queen. Before the sea-fight at Actium
the fleet of M. Antonius and Cleopatra was collected at Ephesus, and he came there
with Cleopatra. After the battle of Actium, Caesar Octavianus permitted Ephesus
and Nicaea, the chief cities of Asia and Bithynia, respectively to dedicate temples
to the deified dictator Caesar.
Strabo terminates his description of Ephesus with a list of the illustrious
natives, among whom was Heraclitus, surnamed the Obscure; and Hermodorus, who
was banished by the citizens for his merits. This is the Hermodorus who is said
to have assisted the Roman Decemviri in drawing up the Tables. (Dig. 1. 2. 2.
§ 4.) Hipponax the poet was also an Ephesian, and Parrhasius the painter. Strabo
also mentions Apelles as an Ephesian, but that is not certain. Of modern men of
note he mentions only Alexander, surnamed the Light, who was engaged in public
affairs, wrote history, and astronomical and geographical poems in hexameter verse.
Strabo does not mention Callinus, and it would seem, that as he speaks of him
elsewhere, he did not take him to be an Ephesian; and, among the men nearer his
own time, he has not mentioned the geographer Artemidorus in this passage, though
he does mention Artemidorus, the same man, as being sent to Rome about the lakes
and the revenues from them. Accordingly, Koray and, Groskurd suppose that the
name Artemidorus has dropped out of the MSS. of Strabo, and that Strabo must have
mentioned him with Alexander the Light.
When Strabo was at Ephesus, in the days of Auguastus, the town was
in a state, of great prosperity. The trade, of Ephesus had .extended so far, that
the minium of Cappadocia, which used to be carried to Sinope now went to Ephesus.
Apameia, at the source of the Marsyas,. was the second commercial place. in. the
Roman. province of Asia, Ephesus being the first,. for it was the place that received
all. the commodities from Greece and Italy. (Strab.. pp. 540, 5.77.) There was
a road from Ephesus. to Antiocheia on the Maeander, through Magnesia on the Maeander,
Tralles, and Nysa. From Antiocheia the road. went to Garura [CARURA], on the borders
of Caria and Phrygia. From Carura. the road. was continued to Laodiceia, Apameia,
Metropolis, Chelidonii (a corrupt word, which is supposed to represent Philomelium),
and Tyriaeum; then it ran through Lycaonia through Laodiceia, the Burnt, to Coropassus;
and from Coropassus, which was in Lycaonia, to Garsaura in Cappadocia, on the
borders; then through Soandus and Sadakora to Mazaca, the metrotropolis of the
Cappadocians; and from Mazaca through Herphae to Tomisa in Sophene. (Strab. pp.
647, 663.)
It does not appear from, Strabo how the Ephesii managed the affairs
of the town in his time. He speaks of a senate (gerousia) being made by Lysimachus,
and the senate with certain persons called the Epicleti managed the affairs of
the city. We may conclude that it had a Boule, and also a Demus or popular assembly.
A town clerk of Ephesus (grammateus), a common functionary in Greek cities, is
mentioned. (Acts of the Apost. xix. 35.); An imperfect inscription, copied by
Chishull (Travels in Turkey, &c. p. 20), shows that there was an office (archeion)
in Ephesus for the registry of titles within the territory.
In the time of Tiberius there were great complaints of the abuses
of asyla., The Ephesii (Tacit. Ann. iii. 61) were heard before the Roman senate
in defence of the asylum of Artemis, when they told the whole mythical story of
the origin of the temple; they also referred to what Hercules had done for the
temple; and, coming nearer to the business, they said that the Persians had always
respected it, and after them the Macedonians, and finally the Romans. Plutarch
(De vitando aere alieno, c. 31) says that the temple was an asylum for debtors,
and it is probable that the precincts were generally well filled. In the reign
of Nero, Barea Soranus, during his government of Asia, tried to open the port,
which the bad judgment of the king of Pergamum and his architects had spoiled.
(Tacit. Ann. xvi. 23.)
When St. Paul visited Ephesus (Acts of the Apost. xix.), one Demetrius,
a silversmith which made silver shrines for Diana, brought no small gain unto
the craftsmen. He called his men together, and showed them that their trade was
in danger from the preaching of Paul, who taught that they be no gods, which are
made with hands; so that not only this our craft is in danger to be set at nought;
but also that the temple of the great goddess Diana should be despised, and her
magnificence should be destroyed, whom all Asia and the world worshippeth. The
town clerk, by a prudent and moderate speech, settled the tumult. Among other
things, he told them that the image of Diana fell down from Jupiter. Pliny (xvi.
40) mentions an old wooden statue of Diana at Ephesus. Licinius Mucianus, a contemporary
of Pliny, had examined it, and he said that it had never.been changed, though
the temple had been restored seven times. The representative of the Asiatic .goddess'
was not that of the huntress Artemis of. the Hellenes. Miller observes that, Artemis,
as the guardian of the Ephesian temple, which, according to the myth, was founded
by the Amazons, appears in an Asiatic Amazonian costume. The worship of. her image,
which was widely spread, and in the later imperial period repeated innumerable
times in statues and on coins, is connected with the Hellenic representations
of Artemis by no visible link. (Handbuch der Archaeologie.) The old statue that
fell down from Jupiter may have been a stone, an aerolite; and the wooden statue
that Mucianus saw, some very rude piece of work. According to Minucius Felix (c.
21), the Ephesian Diana.was represented with many breasts. (See the notes on Tacit.
Ann. iii. 61, ed. Oberlin.)
The apostle established a Christian church at Ephesus, and we learn
from what he said to the elders of the..church of: Ephesus, when they met him
at Miletus (Acts, xx. 17--31), that he had lived there, three years. He afterwards
addressed a letter to the Ephesians, which forms part of the canonical New Testament.
In the book of Revelations (ii. 11 &c.) the church of Ephesus is placed first
among the seven churches of Asia. The heathen and the Christian church of Ephesus
subsisted together for some time. The great festival called to koinon Asias was
held in several of the chief towns in turn, of which Ephesus was one. In A.D.
341 the third general council was held at Ephesus. The Asiarchs who are mentioned.in
the Acts of the Apostles (xix. 31), on the occasion of the tumult in Ephesus,
are probably, as Schleusner says, the representatives from the cities of Asia,
who had the charge of the religious solemnities.;. or they may have been the Asiarchs
of Ephesus. only. Under the Christian emperors Ephesus has the title of he prote
kai megiste metropolis tes Asias.
The remains of Ephesus are partly buried in rubbish, and overgrown
with vegetation. They are near a place now called Ayasaluk. These remains have
been visited and described by many travellers, but it is difficult without a plan
of the ground to understand the descriptions. Spon and Wheler visited the place
in 1675, and described it after the fashion of that day (vol. i. p. 244). The
ruins have also been described by Chishull (Travels in Turkey, &c. p. 23,
&c.), and at some length by Chandler (Asia Minor, c. 32, &c.), and by
many other more recent travellers. The disappearance of such a huge mass as the
temple of Diana can only be explained by the fact of the materials having been
carried off for modern buildings; and probably this and other places near the
coast supplied materials for Constantinople. The soil in the valley has also been
raised by the alluvium of the river, and probably covers many old substructions.
The temple of Ephesus, being the centre of the pagan worship in Asia, would be
one of the first to suffer from the iconoclasts in the reign of Theodosius I.,
when men in black, as Libanius calls them, overturned the altars, and defaced
the temples. When the great Diana of the Ephesians was turned out of her home,
the building could serve no other purpose than to be used as a stone quarry.
Chandler found the stadium of Ephesus, one side of which was on the
hill which he identifies with Prion, and the opposite side which was next to the
plain was raised on arches. He found the length to be 687 feet. He also describes
the remains of the theatre, which is mentioned in the tumult which was caused
at Ephesus by St. Paul's preaching. Fellows (Asia Minor, p. 274) observes that
there can be no doubt about the site of the theatre. Chandler saw also the remains
of an odeum or music hall. There are the remains of a temple of the Corinthian
order, which was about 130 feet long, and 80 wide. The cella was built of massive
stones. The columns were 4 feet 6 inches in diameter, and the whole height, including
the base and capitals, above 46 feet. The shafts were fluted, and of a single
piece of stone. The best preserved of these columns that Chandler saw was broken
into two parts. The frieze contained a portion of bold sculpture, which represented
some foliage and young boys. The quarries on Prion or Pion, for the name is written
both ways, supplied the marble for the temples of Ephesus. Prion, was Strabo has
it, was also called Lepre Acte; it was above the city of Strabo's time, and on
it, as he says, was part of the wall.
Hamilton (Researches, &c. vol. ii. p. 24), one of the latest travellers
who has visited Ephesus, spent several days there. He thinks that the site of
the great temple is in some massive structures near the western extremity of the
town, which overlook the swamp or marsh where was the ancient harbour. This is
exactly the spot where it ought to be according to Strabo's description. The place
which Hamilton describes is immediately in front of the port, raised upon a base
thirty or forty feet high, and approached by a grand flight of steps the ruins
of which are still visible in the centre of the pile. Hamilton observes that brick
arches and other works have also been raised on various portions of the walls;
but this was probably done by the Christians after the destruction of the temple
and the removal of the columns by Constantine when a church was erected on its
ruins. The supposition that the basement of the temple has been buried by the
alluvium of the Cayster is very properly rejected by Hamilton, who has pointed
out the probable site. Pliny describes a spring in the city and names it Callipia,
which may be the Alitaea of Pausanias. Hamilton found a beautiful spring to the
north of the harbour; the head of the spring was about 200 yards from the temple.
The distance of the temple, supposed. to be near the port from the old city on
the heights seems to agreeU with: the story in Herodotus (i. 26). The position
of the tomb of Androclus, as described by Pausanias is quite consistent with this
supposed site of th great temple. Hamilton observes that the road which Pausanias
describes must have led along the valley between Prion and Coressus, which extends
towards Magnesia, and is crossed by the line of walls erected by Lysimachus. The
Magnesia Gates would also have stood in this valley, and must not be confounded
with those which are in the direction of Aiasaluck. Hamilton supposes that the
Olympieium may have stood in the space between the temple of Artemis and the theatre
in the neighbourhood of the agora, where he found the remains of a large Corinthian
temple, which is that which Chandler describes.
Hamilton describes the Hellenic wall of Lysimachus as extending along the heights
of Coressus for nearly a mile and three quarters, in a SE. and NW. direction,
from the heights immediately to the S. of the gymnasium to the tower called
the Prison; of St. Paul, but which is in fact one of the towers of the ancient
wall, closely resembling many others which occur at various intervals. The portion
which connected Mount Prion with Mount Coressus, and in which was the Magnesian
Gate, appears to have been immediately to the east of the gymnasium. The wall
is well built. Hamilton gives a drawing of a perfect gateway in the wall, with
a peculiar arch. He observed also another wall extending from the theatre over
the top of Mount Prion, and thence to. the eastern extremity of the stadium.
He thinks that this may be the oldest wall. Besides this wall and that supposed
to be Lysimachus', already described, he found another wall, principally of
brick, which he supposes to have been built by the Byzantines when the town had diminished in size: considerable remains of this
may still be traced at the foot of Mount Coressus, extending from near the theatre
westward to the port and temple of Diana. There are remains of an aqueduct at
Ephesus. Spon and Wheler also describe a series of arches as being five or six
miles from Ephesus on the road to Scala Nova, with an inscription in honour
of Diana and the emperors Tiberius and Augustus.
Hamilton copied a few inscriptions at Ephesus (vol. ii. p. 455). Chandler
copied others, which were published in his Inscriptiones Antiquae, &c. In
the Antiquities of Ionia, vol. ii., there are views of the remains of Ephesus,
and plans. Some of the coins of Ephesus of the Roman period have a reclining figure
that represents the river Cayster, with the legend Ephesion Kaustros. Arundell
(Discourses in Asia Minor, vol. ii.) has collected some particulars about the
Christian history of Ephesus. The reader may also consult the Life and Epistles
of St. Paul by Conybeare and Howson, vol. ii. p. 66, &c.
The name of the village of Aiasaluck near Smyrna is generally said
to be a corruption of Agios Theologos, a name of St. John, to whom the chief Christian
church of Ephesus was dedicated (Procop. de Aedif. v. 1). But, as Arundell observes,
this is very absurd: and he supposes it to be a Turkish name. Tamerlane encamped
here after he had taken Smyrna. The name is written Ayazlic by Tamerlane's historian
Cherefeddin Ali (French Translation, by Petis de la Croix, vol. iv. p. 58). It
has been conjectured that Tamerlane destroyed the place, but his historian says
nothing about that. Ephesus had perished before the days of Tamerlane.
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ΘΥΑΤΕΙΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Thyateira (ta Thuateira: Eth. Thuateirenos), a considerable city in
the north of Lydia, on the river Lycus, and on the road leading from Sardes in
the south to Germa in the north. It was anciently called Pelopeia, Euhippa, and
Semiramis. (Plin. v. 31; Steph. B. s. v. Thuateira.) Strabo (xiii. p. 625) calls
it a Macedonian colony, which probably means only that during the Macedonian period
it was increased and embellished, for Stephanus B., admitting that it previously
existed under other names, relates that Seleucus Nicator gave it the name of Thygateira
or Thyateira on being informed that a daughter (Thugater) was born to him. But
whatever we may think of this etymology, it seems clear that the place was not
originally a Macedonian colony, but had existed long before under other names,
and at one period belonged to Mysia. After the time of Antiochus Nicator, however,
it became an important place, and is often noticed in history. When the two Scipios
arrived in Asia on their expedition against Antiochus the Great, the latter was
encamped near Thyateira, but retreated to Magnesia. (Liv. xxxvii. 8, 21, 37.)
After the defeat of the Syrian king, the town surrendered to the Romans. (Liv.
xxxvii. 44; Polyb. xvi. 1, xxxii. 25; comp. Appian, Syr. 30; Strab. xiii. p. 646;
Plut. Sulla, 15; Ptol. v. 2. § 16; It. Ant. p. 336.) In Christian times Thyateira
appears as one of the seven Churches in the Apocalypse (ii. 18); in the Acts of
the Apostles (xvi. 14) mention is made of one Lydia, a purple-seller of Thyateira,
and at a still later period we hear of several bishops whose see it was. In the
middle ages the Turks changed the name of the town into Akhissar, which it still
bears. (Mich. Duc. p. 114.) Sir C. Fellows (Asia Min. p. 22), who calls the modern
place Aksa, states that it teems with relics of an ancient splendid city, although
he could not discover a trace of the site of any ruin or early building. These
relics consist chiefly of fragments of pillars, many of which have been changed
into well-tops or troughs. (Comp. Arundell, Seven Churches, p. 188, fell.; Wheeler
and Spon, vol. i. p. 253; Lucas, Troisieme Voy. p. 192, &c.; Prokesch, Denkwurdigkeiten,
iii. p. 60, foil.)
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ΘΥΜΒΡΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Thymbria (Thumbria), a small town of Caria, only 4 stadia east of Myus on the
banks of the Maeander; in its neighbourhood there was a socalled Charonium, or
cave from which poisonous vapours issued. (Strab. xiv. p. 636.)
ΙΑΣΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Iassus or Iasus (Iasos: or Iasos: Eth. Iasseus), a town of Caria,
situated on a small island close to the north coast of the Iasian bay, which derives
its name from Iassus. The town is said to have been founded at an unknown period
by Argive colonists; but as they had sustained severe losses in a war with the
native Carians, they invited the son of Neleus, who had previously founded Miletus,
to come to their assistance. The town appears on that occasion to have received
additional settlers. (Polyb. xvi. 12.) The town, which appears to have occupied
the whole of the little island, had only ten stadia in circumference; but it nevertheless
acquired great wealth (Thucyd. viii. 28), from its fisheries and trade in fish
(Strab. xiv. p. 658). After the Sicilian expedition of the Athenians, during the
Peloponnesian war, Iassus was attacked by the Lacedaemonians and their allies;
it was governed at the time by Amorges, a Persian chief, who had revolted from
Darius. It was taken by the Lacedaemonians, who captured Amorges, and delivered
him up to Tissaphernes. The town itself was destroyed on that occasion; but must
have been rebuilt, for we afterwards find it besieged by the last Philip of Macedonia,
who, however, was compelled by the Romans to restore it to Ptolemy of Egypt. (Polyb.
xvii. 2; Liv. xxxii. 33; comp. Ptol. v. 2. § 9; Plin. v. 29; Stad. Mar. Magn.
§ § 274, 275; Hierocl. p. 689.) The mountains in the neighbourhood of Iassus furnished
a beautiful kind of marble, of a blood-red and livid white colour, which was used
by the ancients for ornamental purposes. (Paul. Silent. Ecphr. S. Soph. ii. 213.)
Near the town was a sanctuary of Hestias, with a statue of the goddess, which,
though standing in the open air, was believed never to be touched by the rain.
(Polyb. xvi. 12.) The same story is related, by Strabo, of a temple of Artemis
in the same neighbourhood. Iassus, as a celebrated fishing place, is alluded to
by Athenaeus (iii. p. 105, xiii. p. 606). The place is still existing, under the
name of Askem or Asyn Kalessi. Chandler (Travels in As. Min. p. 226) relates that
the island on which the town was built is now united to the mainland by a small
isthmus. Part of the city walls still exist, and are of a regular, solid, and
handsome structure. In the side of the rock a theatre with many rows of seats
still remains, and several inscriptions and coins have been found there. (Comp.
Spon and Wheler, Voyages, vol. i. p. 361.) A second town of the name of Iassus
existed in Cappadocia or Armenia Minor (Ptol. v. 7. § 6), on the north-east of
Zoropassus.
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ΙΕΡΑΠΟΛΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Hierapolis (Ierapolis: Eth. Ierapolites). A considerable town in Phrygia,
situated upon a height between the rivers Lycus and Maeander, about five miles
north of Laodiceia, and on the road from Apameia to Sardis. It was probably founded
by the Greeks, though we have no record of the time or circumstances of its foundation.
It was celebrated for its warm springs and its Plutonium, to which two circumstances
it appears to have owed its sanctity. The warm springs formed stalactites and
incrustations. (Strab. xiii. p. 629; Vitruv. viii. 3.) The Plutonium was a deep
cave with a hollow opening, from which a mephitic vapour arose, which poisoned
any one who inhaled it, with the exception of the Galli, who are said to have
received no injury from it; but it appears to have lost its poisoning influence
in the time of Ammianus. (Strab. l. c.; Plin. ii. 93. s. 95; Dion Cass. lxviii.
27; Amm.Marc. xxiii. 6.) The waters of Hierapolis were much used for dyeing. (Strab.
xiii. p. 630.) Among the deities worshipped in Hierapolis the Great Mother of
the Gods is especially named. (Plin. ii. 93. s. 95.) There was a Christian church
in this town as early as the time of St. Paul. (Coloss. iv. 13.) At a later time
it claimed the title of metropolis of Phrygia. (Hierocles, p. 665, with Wesseling's
notes.) It was the birth place of the philosopher Epictetus. The ruins of Hierapolis
are situated at an uninhabited place called Pambuk-kalessi. They are of considerable
extent, and have been visited and described by several modern travellers,who have
also noticed the stalactites and incrustations mentioned by Strabo. Chandler speaks
of a cliff as one entire incrustation, and describes it as an immense frozen cascade,
the surface wavy, as of water at once fixed, or in its headlong course suddenly
petrified. (See the Travels of Pococke, Chandler, Arundell, Leake Hamilton, and
Fellowes.)
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ΙΩΝΙΑ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Ionia (Ionia), also called lonis, the country of Asia Minor inhabited
by Ionian Greeks, and comprising the western coast from Phocaea in the north to
Miletus in the south. (Herod. i. 142; Strab. xiv. init.; Plin. v. 31.) Its length
from north to south, in a straight line, amounted to 800 stadia, while the length
of its much indented coast amounted to 3430; and the distance from Ephesus to
Smyrna, in a straight line, was only 320 stadia, while along the coast it reached
the large number of 2200. (Strab. xiv. pp. 632, 665.) Towards the inland, or the
east, Ionia extended only a few miles, the towns of Magnesia, Larissa, Tralles,
Alabanda, and others, not belonging to it. Ptolemy (v. 2) assigns much narrower
limits to lonia than his predecessors, for, according to him, it extended only
from the Hermus in Lydia to the Maeander in Caria; so that Phocaea and Miletus
would not belong to Ionia. According to a generally received tradition, the lonian
colonies on the west coast of Asia were founded after the death of Codrus, the
last king of Attica, about B.C. 1044, or, according to others, as early as B.C.
1060, about 60 years after the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. The sons
of Codrus, Neleus and Androclus, it is said, being dissatisfied with the abolition
of royalty and the appointment of their eldest brother Medon to the archonship,
emigrated, with large numbers of Attic lonians and bands from other parts of Greece,
into Asia Minor. (Strab. xiv. p. 633, foil.; Pans. vii. 2.) Here, in one of the
most beautiful and fertile parts of the earth, they founded a number of towns,
partly expelling and partly subduing the ancient inhabitants, who consisted mainly
of Maeonians, Carians, and Pelasgians. (Herod. i. 142; Paus. vii. 2; Pherecyd.
Fragm. 26; Dionys. Per. 822, &c.) As a great many of the original inhabitants
remained in the country as subjects of the conquerors, and as the latter had gone
to Asia as warriors, without women, the new colonies were not pure Greek; but
still the subdued nations were not so completely different as to render an amalgamation
into one nation impossible, or even very difficult. This amalgamation with different
tribes also accounts for the fact that four different dialects were spoken by
the lonians. (Herod. 1. c.)
The towns founded by the lonians - which, though independent of one
another, yet formed a kind of confederacy for common purposes - amounted to twelve
(dodekapolis), a number which must not be regarded as accidental. These towns
were: Phocaea, Erythrae, Clazomenaae, Teos, Lebedos, Colophon, Ephesus, Priene,
Myus, Miletus, and Samos and Chios in the neighbouring islands. (Strab. xiv. p.
633; Aelian, V. H. viii. 5.) Subsequently, about B.C. 700, Smyrna, which until
then had belonged to Aeolis, became by treachery a member of the Ionian confederacy,
which henceforth consisted of thirteen cities. (Herod. i. 149; Paus. vii. 5; Strab.
l. c.) These Ionian colonies soon rose to a high degree of prosperity, and in
many respects outstripped the mother-country; for poets, philosophers, historians,
and artists flourished in the Ionian cities long before the mother-country attained
to any eminence in these intellectual pursuits. All the cities of lonia formed
independent republics, with dernocratical constitutions; but their common affairs
were discussed at regular meetings held at Panionium (Panionion), the common centre
of all the Ionian cities, on the northern slope of Mount Mycale, near Priene,
and about three stadia from the coast. (Herod. i. 141, 148; Strab. xiv. p. 639;
Mela, i. 17; Plin. v. 29.) These meetings at Panionium appear to have given rise
to a permanent town, with a Prytaneum, in which the meetings were held. (Steph.
B. s. v.) The political bond which held the Ionian cities together appears to
have been rather loose, and the principal objects of the meetings, at least in
later times, were religious worship and the celebration of games. The cities continued
to enjoy their increasing prosperity and their independence until the establishment
of the Lydian monarchy. The attacks upon the Ionian colonies began even in the
reign of Gyges, so that one city after another was conquered, until, in the reign
of Croesus, all of them became subject to the Lydians. When Lydia became the prey
of the Persian conqueror Cyrus, in B.C. 557, Ionia also was obliged to acknowledge
the supremacy of Persia; but the new rulers scarcely interfered with the internal
affairs of the cities and their confederacy; all they had to do was to pay tribute,
to send their contingents to the Persian armies, and to submit to satraps and
tyrants, the latter of whom were Greek usurpers who set themselves up in their
native cities, and were backed by the Persian monarchs. But the lonians, accustomed
to liberty, were unable to bear even this gentle yoke for any length of time,
and in B.C. 500 a general insurrection broke out against Persia, in which the
Athenians and Eretrians also took part. The revolt had been planned and organised
by Histiaeus, tyrant of Miletus, and Aristagoras, his son-in-law. The Ionians
burned and destroyed Sardes, the restdence of the Persian satraps, but were then
routed and defeated in a bloody battle near Ephesus. In B.C. 496 all the lonians
were again reduced, and compelled to assist the Persians with men and ships in
the war against Greece. In the battle of Mycale, B.C. 479, the Ionians deserted
from the ranks of the Persians and joined their kinsmen, and thus took the first
step to recover their independence, which ten years later was fully secured by
the battle on the Eurymedon. They then entered into a relation with the Athenians,
who were to protect them against any further aggression from the Persians; but
in consequence of this they became more or less dependent upon their protectors.
In the unfortunate peace of Antalcidas, the lonians, with the other Asiatic Greeks,
were again made over to Persia, B.C. 387; and when the Persian monarchy was destroyed
by Alexander, they became a part of the Macedonian empire, and finally fell into
the hands of the Romans. The highest prosperity of Ionia belongs to the period
of the Lydian supremacy; under the rule of Macedonia it somewhat recovered from
its previous sufferings. Under the Romans the Ionian cities still retained their
importance as commercial places, and as seats of art and literature; but they
lost their political life, and sank down to the condition of mere provincial towns.
The last traces of their prosperity were destroyed under the barbarous rule of
the Turks in the middle ages. During the period of their greatest prosperity and
independence, the Ionian cities sent out numerous colonies to the shores of the
Black sea and to the western coasts and islands of the Mediterranean. (Comp. Thirlwall,
Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. chap. 12, pp. 94, 115, 120, &c.; Grote, Hist. of Greece,
vol. ii. pp. 229-253.)
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ΚΑΛΥΝΔΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Calynda (Kalunda: Eth. Kalundeus), a town of Caria, according to Stephanus,
is placed by Strabo 60 stadia from the sea (p. 56), west of the Gulf of Glaucus,
and east of Caunus. The MSS. of Strabo appear to have Calymna, which, however,
is an error of the copyists. It appears, from a passage in Herodotus (i. 172),
that the territory of Caunus bordered on that of Calynda. Damasithymus (Herod.
viii. 87), king of Calynda, was at the battle of Salamis with some ships on the,
side of, Xerxes; from which we may conclude that Calynda was near the coast, or
had some sea-port. Calynda was afterwards, as it appears from Polybius (xxxi.
17), subject to Caunus; but having revolted from Caunus, it placed itself under
the protection of the Rhodians.
Fellows supposes Calynda to be under a range of mountains near the
sea, between two ridges of rocks; many large squared stones lie in heaps down
the slope facing the east, and the valley is guarded by walls of a very early
date, of Greek workmanship. He concludes, from the style of the tombs, that the
city was in Lycia. The place is near the gulf of Glaucus or Makri, and east of
the river Talaman-su. The remains which he saw are assigned to Daedala by Hoskyn.
(Spratt's Lycia, vol. i. p. 42.) But Fellows discovered a city which is proved
by inscriptions to be Cadyanda, a name otherwise unknown to us. It lies NNE. of
Makri, on the Gulf of Glaucus or Makri, at a place called Hoozoomlee, situated
on an elevated plain, immediately above which are the ruins of Cadyanda. There
are many rock tombs and sculptures, one of which is represented in the frontispiece
to Fellows' Lycia. The ruins of the city are seated on the level summit of a high
mountain; a, great street, bordered with temples and public buildings, runs down
the centre. (Spratt's Lycia.) Hoskyn, who discovered Caunus, looked in vain for
ruins between that place and Cadyanda. Accordingly, it is suggested that the mountains
of Hoozoomlee may be the Calyndian mountains. (Spratt's Lycia, vol. i. p. 43.)
But these Calyndian mountains are a modern invention, perhaps originating in a
misunderstanding of Herodotus (i. 132), who speaks of the Calyndian frontiers
(ouron ton Kalundikon). Between Hoozoomlee and Makri, a distance of about 9 miles,
there are no ruins; but in the centre of the plain of Makri there is a burial
ground, where some large inscribed blocks, apparently the remains of a building
which stood on the spot, have the name 'Cadyands' included in their inscriptions.
(Spratt's Lycia, vol. i. p. 44.) It is stated in another passage in this work
that the monumental inscription was found five or six miles south of Cadyanda.
The name Calynda occurs in Ptolemy (v. 3) as a Lycian city, and it
is the nearest Lycian city to Caunus in Caria. Pliny (v. 28) mentions Flumen Axon,
Oppidum Calynda. It is plain that Ptolemy's Calynda will not suit the position
of Cadyanda; nor can the position of Cadyanda be reconciled with Strabo's position
of Calynda. It is certain that Calynda is not Cadyanda. None of the inscriptions
of Cadyanda which are given by Fellows and in Spratt's Lycia are of an early period.
There is little or no doubt that Calynda is in the basin of the large river Talaman-Su,
which seems to be the Calbis of Strabo, and the same river that Pliny and Livy
call the Indus.
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ΚΑΝΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Canae (Kanai: Eth. Kanaios), a small place founded by the Locri of
Cynus (Strab. p. 615) in Aeolis, opposite to the most southern part of Lesbos,
in a district called Canaea. The district extended as far as the Arginusae islands
northward, and to the promontory rising above them, which some called Aega. The
place is called Cane by Mela (i. 18). Pliny mentions it as a ruined place (v.
32): he also mentions a river Canaeus; but he may mean to place it near Pitane.
In the war of the Romans with Antiochus (B.C. 190, 191), the Roman fleet was hauled
up at Canae for the winter, and protected by a ditch and rampart. (Liv. xxxvi.
45, xxxvii. 8.)
Mela places the town of Cane at the promontory Cane, which is first
mentioned by Herodotus (vii. 42). The army of Xerxes, on the march from Sardes
to the Hellespont, crossed the Caicus, and leaving the mountain of Cane on the
left, went through Atarneus. The position of Cane or Canae, as Strabo (pp. 615,
581, 584) calls the promontory, is, according to him, 100 stadia from Elaea, and
Elaea is 12 stadia from the Caicus, and south of it; and he says that Cane is
the promontory that is opposite to Lectum, the northern limit of the Gulf of Adramyttium,
of which gulf the Gulf of Elaea is a part. He therefore clearly places the promontory
Cane on the south side of the Gulf of Elaea. In another passage (p. 581) he says,
From Lectum to the river Caicus, and the (place) called Canae, are the parts about
Assus, Adramyttium, Atarneus, and Pitane and the Elaeatic Bay, opposite to all
which extends the island of the Lesbians. Again, he says, The mountain (Cane or
Canae) is surrounded by the sea on the south and the west; on the east is the
level of the Caicus, and on the north is the Elaeitis. This is all very confused;
for the Elaeitis is south of the Caicus, and even if it extended on both sides
of the river, it is not north of Canae, unless Canae is south of Elaea. Mela,
whose description is from south to north, clearly places Cane on the coast after
Elaea and Pitane; Pliny does the same; and Ptolemy's (v. 2) Caene is west of the
mouth of the Caicus. The promontory then is Cape Coloni, west of the mouth of
the Caicus. Strabo's confusion is past all explanation. He could not have had
any kind of map, nor a clear conception of what he was describing.
Cane was both a mountain tract and a promontory. The old name was
Aega (Aiga), as Strabo remarks, and he finds fault with those who wrote the name
Aega (Aiga), as if it was connected with the name goat (comp. Steph. s. v. Aiga),
or Aex (Aix). Strabo says that the mountain (Cane) is of no great extent, but
it inclines towards the Aegean, whence it has its name; afterwards the promontory
was called Aega, as Sappho says, and the rest was Cane or Canae.
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ΚΑΡΙΑ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
he Karia: Eth. Kar, Karos, fem. Kaeira: Adj. Karikos, Karios. A country
in the south-west angle of Asia Minor. Strabo makes the southern boundary of Ionia
to be the promontory Poseidion, in the territory of Miletus, and the Carian mountains,
as the text stands (ton Karikon oron). Groskurd (Transl. Strab. vol. iii. p. 2)
writes horon for oron; and so Strabo is made to say that the southern boundary
of Ionia is the Poseidium and the Carian boundaries; but as Caria borders on Ionia,
if Strabo wrote so, he has in this passage fixed no boundary, except Poseidion,
which is south of the Maeander. If by the Carian mountains he means the range
of Messogis, which forms the northern boundary of the basin of the Maeander, he
does not seem to have expressed his meaning very accurately; for if the Messogis
which is north of the Maeander is the southern boundary of Ionia, it appears inconsistent
to speak of a promontory south of the Maeander also as a boundary. But Strabo's
text is still capable of explanation. Miletus, which was south of the Maeander,
and in a tract once occupied by the Carians, was an Ionian city, and the whole
coast line from Phocaea and the Hermus to Poseidion, according to Strabo, was
Ionia. It is therefore consistent to make Ionia extend to Poseidium along the
coast, and yet to speak of the Carian mountains as a boundary, if he means the
Messogis, the mountain range that terminates on the coast in the promontory of
Mycale. The Messogis, which lies between the basin of the Cayster and the basin
of the Maeander, would form a natural boundary between Caria and the country to
the north of the Messogis. Strabo, in another passage (p. 648), says that the
plain of the Maeander is occupied by Lydians, Carians, Ionians, Milesians, the
people of Myus, and also the Aeolians, who had Magnesia on the Maeander. Again,
after describing the source of the Maeander, he says that it flows through Phrygia,
and then separates Lydia and Caria in the plain of the Maeander; and near the
lower part of its course it flows through Caria itself (kai Karian auten, according
to the emended text), that part which is now occupied by the Ionians, and enters
the sea between Miletus and Priene. Herodotus places in Caria not only Miletus
and Myus, but also Priene, which is north of the Maeander (i. 142). It seems,
then, a fair conclusion that the Carians once possessed-all the plain of the Maeander
in its middle and lower course, and that the Messogis was their northern limit.
Immediately south of the Maeander, says Strabo, all is Carian, the Carians there
not being mingled with the Lydians, but being by themselves, except as to the
sea-coast parts which the Myusii and Milesians have appropriated. In Strabo's
time, then, or according to the authorities that Strabo followed, the stock of
purer Carians commenced immediately south of the Maeander, and there were only
traces of the former population in the plain on the north side of the river. On
the north-east Caria bordered on Phrygia. Strabo makes Carura on the upper Maeander
the boundary between Phrygia and Caria. The range of Cadmus forms a natural boundary
to Caria on the north-east, occupying the country between the upper basin of the
Maeander and of the Indus, one of the large rivers which enters the sea on the
south coast of Caria. The natural limit of Caria on the east would be the high
land that bounds the basin of the Indus on the west, and not the range of Daedala,
which is in Lycia (Strab. p. 664), and forms the eastern boundary of the basin
of the Indus or Calbis of Strabo. But the most eastern place on the coast of Caria,
according to Strabo, is Daedala, east of the Indus, and north of Daedala is the
mountain range that has the same name. According to this geographer, the small
river Glaucus, which enters the bay of Glaucus, is the eastern boundary of Caria
on the south coast, and thus he includes within Caria, at least the lower part
of the valley of the Indus or Calbis, and the. towns of Daedala, Araxa, and that
of Calynda, though the site of Calynda is not certain.
The whole coast of Caria, including the bays, is estimated at 4900
stadia. (Strab. p. 651.) The part of the south coast from Daedala westward to
Mount Phoenix, opposite to the small island Elaeussa, and to the northern extremity
of Rhodes, 1500 stadia in length, was called the Peraea. This Peraea belonged
to the Rhodians, and is accordingly some-times called he peraia ton Podion (Polyb.
xvii. 2), who appear to have had part of this coast at least from a very early
period; for Scylax (p. 38) mentions a tract south of Cnidus as belonging to the
Rhodians.
The Carians maintained that they were an autochthonous continental
people, the original inhabitants of Caria, and that they had always this name.
As a proof of it, they pointed to the temple of the Carian Zeus at Mylasa, which
was open to the Lydians and Mysians also, for Lydus and Mysus were the brothers
of Car. (Herod. i. 171.) The proof might show that there was some fraternity among
these three nations, but certainly it would not prove that the Carians were autochthonous
in Caria. But the Cretans had a different story. They said that the Cares inhabited
the islands of the Aegean, and were subject to Minos, king of Crete, being then
called Leleges, but they paid no tribute. They were a warlike race, and manned
the ships of Minos. They were afterwards driven from the islands by the Dorians
and Ionians, and so came to the mainland. Strabo (p. 661) follows this tradition,
and adds that the continental people whom they displaced were! themselves Leleges
and Pelasgi. But this tradition does not explain the origin of the name Carians.
In the Iliad (x. 428), Cares, Leleges, Caucones, and Pelasgi are mentioned among
the Trojan auxiliaries; and we may assume them all to be continental [p. 518]
people. The Leleges seem to have once occupied a considerable part of the west
coast of Asia Minor. Strabo (p. 611) observes, that in all Caria and in Miletus
tombs of the Leleges, and forts and vestiges of buildings, are shown. The true
conclusion seems to be that Cares and Leleges are different peoples or nations,
whatever relationship there may have been between them. In proof of the former
occupation of some of the islands of the Aegean by Carians, Thucydides (i. 8)
states that when the Athenians, in the Peloponnesian war, removed all the dead
bodies from the sacred island of Delos, above half appeared to be Carians, who
were recognised by their arms, which were buried with them, and by the manner
of their interment, which was the same that they used when Thucydides wrote. He
states that the early inhabitants of the islands of the Aegean were pirates, and
they were Carians and Phoenicians. According to him, Minos expelled the Carians
from the Cyclades (i.4), which is not the tradition that Herodotus followed. The
Carians of Homer occupied Miletus, and the banks of the Maeander, and the heights
of Mycale; and consequently, according to Homer, they were both north and south
of this river. Strabo even makes the original inhabitants of Ephesus to have been
Cares and Leleges.
Within the limits of Caria was a people named Caunii, who had, a town
Caunus, on the south coast. Herodotus (i. 171) believed them to be autochthonous,
but they said that they came from Crete. Herodotus also says that they approximated
in language to the Carian nation, or the Carians to them; he could not tell which.
But in customs they differed from the Carians and from every other people. The
remark about the language is not very clear, but as Herodotus was a native of
Caria, he may be supposed to be right as to the fact of some resemblance between
the languages of these two people.
The settlements of the Ionians in Asia displaced the Carians from
Mycale, near which Priene was built, from Myus on the south side of the Maeander,
and from the territory of Miletus, which, according to Homer, was a Carian city
(Il. ii. 866). The Dorians drove them from Halicarnassus, from Cnidus and the
Triopia, and probably the Dorians found the Carians in the island of Cos, which
they also seized. The possessions of the Rhodians on the south coast probably
belong to the same epoch. But it was only the sea-coast that the early Greek settlers
occupied, according to their usual practice, and not all the sea-coast, for in
the time of Xerxes (B.C. 480), the Carians contributed 70 ships to the Persian
fleet, and the Dorians of Caria supplied only thirty. Homer designates the Carians
by the epithet Barbarophonon (II. ii. 865), the exact meaning of which is a difficulty
to us, as it was to Strabo and others of his countrymen (p. 661). We may conclude
that there was some intermixture between the Greek settlers and the Carians, as
is always the case when two peoples live near one another. But the Carians maintained
their language, though many Greek words were introduced into it, as Strabo says,
on the authority of Philippus, who wrote a history of the Carians. The Carians
lived in small towns or villages (komai), united in a kind of federation. Their
place of meeting was a spot in the interior, where the Macedonians, after the
time of Alexander, founded the colony of Stratonicea. They met at the temple of
Zeus Chrysaoreus to sacrifice and to deliberate on their common interests. The
federation was called Chrysaoreum, consisting of the several comae; and those
who had the most comae had the superiority in the vote, an expression that admits
more interpretations than one. This federation existed after the Macedonian conquest,
for the people of Stratonicea were members of the federation, by virtue of their
territorial position, as Strabo observe, though they were not Carians. The Carians
may have formed this confederation after they were driven into the interior by
the Ionians and Dorians. This temple was at least purely Carian, and not a common
temple like that at Mylasa, mentioned above. The Carians, at the time of the Persian
conquest of Caria, had also a Zeus Stratios, whose temple was at Labranda. (Herod.
v. 119.)
The Carians were included in the Lydian kingdom of Croesus (Herod.
i. 28), as well as the Dorians who had settled in their country. On the overthrow
of Croesus by Cyrus, they passed under Persian dominion, without making any great
resistance (Herod. i. 174); and they were included in the first nome of Darius
with the Lycians and others. (Herod. iii. 90.) In the Ionian revolt (B.C. 499)
the Carians made a brave resistance to the Persians. They fought a great battle
with the Persians south of the Maeander, on the river Marsyas, and though the
Carians were defeated, the enemy lost a great number of men. In a second battle
the Carians fared still worse, but the Milesians, who had joined them, were the
chief sufferers. At last, the Persian commander Daurises fell into an ambuscade
by night, which the Carians laid for him in Pedasus, and perished with his men.
The commander of the Carians in this ambuscade was Heracleides, of Mylasa, a Greek.
In this war we see that Carians and Greeks fought side by side (Herod. v. 119-121).
After the capture of Miletus (B.C. 494), the Persians received the submission
of some of the Carian cities, and compelled the submission of the rest. (Herod.
vi. 25.)
The Persians established kingly government in Caria, and under their
protection there was a dynasty of Carian princes, who may, however, have been
of Greek stock. Halicarnassus was the residence of these kings. Artemisia, the
daughter of Lygdamis, and of a Cretan mother, accompanied Xerxes to the battle
of Salamis with five ships (Herod. vii. 99). She was more of a man than a woman.
The Athenians, during their naval supremacy, made the people of the Carian coast
tributary, but they did not succeed in establishing their tyranny in the interior.
(Thucyd. ii. 9, iii. 19.) When Alexander, in his Persian expedition, entered Caria,
Ada, queen of the Carians, who had been deprived of the royal authority, surrendered
to him Alinda, a town in the interior, and the strongest place in Caria. Alexander
rewarded her by re-establishing her as queen of all Caria, for she was entitled
to it as the sister and widow of her brother Idrieus. (Arrian, Anab. i. 23; Diod.
xvii. 24.) It seems that the early Macedonian kings of Egypt somehow got a footing
somewhere in Carla. (Polyb. iii. 2.) After the Romans had finally defeated Antiochus,
king of Syria (B.C. 190), who seems to have added Caria to his dominions, the
Romans gave part of Caria to Eumnenes, king of Pergamus, and part to the Rhodians.
(Polyb. xxii. 27; Liv. xxxvii. 56; Appian, Syr. c. 44.) According to the terms
of the Senatusconsultum, as reported by Livy, the Romans gave to Eumenes, Caria
called Hydrela, and the territory of Hydrela which lies towards Phrygia, with
the forts and villages on the Maeander, with the exception of such places as were
free before the war with Antiochus. They gave to the Rhodians the part of Caria
which was nearest to them, and the parts towards Pisidia, except those towns which
were free before the war with king Antiochus in Asia. But the Romans took from
the Rhodians their Carian possessions after the war with king Perseus (B.C. 168);
or, as Polybius (xxx. 5) expresses it, they made those Carians free whom they
had put under the Rhodians after the defeat of Antiochus. (Liv. xliv. 15.) About
B.C. 129 the Romans added Carla to their province of Asia; but the Peraea was
reserved for the Rhodians, if Strabo's statement applies to his own time. Caunus
at least was given to the Rhodians by Sulla. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. i. 1. 11)
The Carians are represented by the Greeks as a warlike race; and Herodotus
(i. 171), whom Strabo copies, says that the Greeks adopted the fashion of helmet
plumes from them, handles for the shields, and devices on the shields They were
not a nation of traders, like the Greeks. They served as mercenary. troops, and,
of course, would serve anybody who would pay them well; and they were reproached
with this practice by the Greeks, who, however, followed it themselves. Apries,
the king of Egypt, had a body of Carians and Ionians in his service (Herod. ii.
163); and Psammenitus, the son of Amasis, had also Hellenic and Carian troops
(Herod. iii. 11).
The great plain of Caria is the valley of the Maeander, bounded on
the north by the range called Messogis The range of Cadmus, or some high range
that is connected with it, appears to run through Caria southward, then west,
and to terminate in the peninsula in which Halicarnassus is situated. This high
land, called Lide, forms the northern boundary of the Gulf of Ceramicus, and is
parallel to the south coast of Caria and near it; for there are only a few small
streams that flow from the southern slope to the south coast, while three considerable
streams run from the north slope and join the Maeander on the left bank, the Kara
Su, perhaps the Mossinus or Mosynus, the Arpa Su, the Harpasus, and the Tshina
Chi, the Marsyas, which rises in the tract called Idrias (Herod. v. 118). The
valley of the Calbis or Indus is separated by the high lands of Cadmus and by
its continuation from the basin of the Meander, though the lower part of this
valley is included in Caria by the ancient geographers. The valleys of these three
streams, which run at right angles to the direction of the Maeander, are separated
by tracts of highly land which are offsets from the central range of Caria. One
of these transverse ranges, which forms the western boundary of the valley of
the Marsyas, is the Latmus; and the high lands called Grion occupy the peninsula
between the bay of Iasus and the bay of Latmus.
This general direction of the mountain ranges has determined the irregular
form of the western coast of Carla. On the north side of the peninsula of Miletus
was the bay of Latmus, so called from the neighbouring range of Latmnus, but the
bay has disappeared, and a large tract of sea has been filled up by the alluvium
of the Maeander, which once entered the sea on the north side of the bay of Latmus.
South of the bay of Latmus was the bay of Iasus, also called Sinus Bargylieticus,
the northern side of which terminated in the promontory Posidium, and the southern
side was the. north coast of the peninsula of Halicarinassus. The Ceramicus (Kerameikos
kolpos, Herod. i. 174), or Doris of Pliny, now the Gulf of Boodroon, is a deep
inlet, the north side of which is formed by the mountain range already described
as running through Caria from east to west, and terminating in the peninsula of
Halicarnassus. The southern side of the bay is bounded by the long Triopian peninsula,
at the western extremity of which Cnidos was situated; and in the mouth of the
gulf is the long narrow island of Cos, which looks like a fragment of the mountains
of the continent. The peninsula of Cnidos is contracted to a narrow neck in two
places, and thus is divided into two peninsulas. The more eastern of these two
necks seems to be the termination of the Triopian peninsula, which forms the northern
boundary of the picturesque gulf of Syme. The south side is formed by another
peninsula, a continuation of a mountain range from the interior of Caria. which
terminates on the coast, opposite to the island Elaeussa, in Mount Phoenix, which
Ptolemy (v. 2) enters in his list as one of the great mountains of the western
side of Asia; and it is the highest mountain in those parts (Strab. p. 652). The
Peraea of the Rhodians commenced at Phoenix and ran eastward along the coast between
the mountains of the interior and the sea (Strab. pp. 651, 652). The bay of Syme
has a rugged and uneven coast, and itself contains several other: bays, which
Mela, proceeding from east to west in his description of the coast of Caria (i.
16), names in the following order:--Thymnias, Schoenus, and Bubessius. The Thymnias,
then, is the bay right opposite to the island of Syme, bounded on. the north side
by the promontory Aphrodisium; the Schoenus is the next bay further north; and
the bay of Bubassus is the bay north of the Schoenus, and the termination of the
gulf of Syme. Close to this bay of Bubassus is the narrow neck of land which connects
the Cnidian peninsula with the mainland. Some geographers place the bay of Bubassus
on the south side of the Triopian peninsula, where also the land is contracted
to a narrow neck; but if the Cnidian isthmus of Herodotus is rightly determined,
this is not the bay of Bubassns. If this is the right position of the Bubassus,
the Bubassie of Herodotus (i. 174) is the long peninsula to the east of the Triopia,
or the rocky tract that contains the mountain Phoenix. And this peninsula is what
Diodorus (v. 60, 62) calls the Chersonesus opposite to the Rhodians; Pliny also
(xxxi. 2) speaks of the Chersonesus Rhodia. This peninsula, or Rhodian Chersonese,
terminates in the Dog's Tomb (Cynossema) or Ass' jaw (Onugnathos), right opposite
to the island of Rhodes, and in the Paridion promontory perhaps of Pliny opposite
to the island of Syme. (Comp. Plin. v. 28, and Mela. i. 16.)
The neck of this Rhodian Chersonese is the narrow tract between the
head of the gulf of Syme and a land-locked bay on the east, at the head of which
was the town of Physcus. Between this last-mentioned bay and another small bay,
Panormus, to the cast, is another Chersonesus; and further cast, between the mouth
of the Calbis and the gulf of Glaucus, Macri, is another Chersonesus, which terminates
in the promontory Pedalium or Artemisium. The irregular coast of Caria is most
picturesque, and in some parts the rocks rise abruptly from the sea.
There was a road from Physcus in the Peraea of the Rhodians to Ephesus.
The distances were, from Physcus to Lagina, in the territory of Stratonices, 850
stadia; to Alabanda, 250; to the passage of the Maeander, 80 stadia: in all 1180
stadia from Physcus to the Maeander (Artemidorus, quoted by Strabo, p. 663). At
the Maeander Strabo places the limits (horoi) of Caria, an expression which may
seem to support Groskurd's emendation mentioned at the beginning of this article.
Though a large part of Caria is mountainous, it contains some extensive
valleys and a great deal of good land in the basin of the Maeander and its tributary
streams. The Peraea is a beautiful country, and contains some fertile tracts.
There is still a good deal of timber on the hills in many parts of Caria, firs,
oaks, and many fine plane trees. The country produces good grain and fruits, the
fig and the olive. The vine grows to the top of the highest trees. Oil is made
in Caria. The variation in altitude causes a great difference in climate, for
the higher tracts are cold, wintry, and snow-covered, while it is hot in the lower
grounds. In the upper valley of the Mosynus it is still winter in the month of
March. Some sheep are fed in Caria; and we may conclude that, as Miletus was noted
for its wool, the high lands of Caria formerly fed a great number of sheep. The
green slopes near Alabanda, Arab Hissa, in the valley of the Marsyas, are now
covered with flocks. The limestone of the country furnished excellent building
material; and there are but springs and gaseous flames. (Fellows, Discoveries
in Lycia, Asia Minor, &c.) The palm tree grows luxuriantly, and the orange about
the ancient Halicarnassus. The wine of Cnidus was highly esteemed in ancient times.
The islands of the Carian coast are too remote to be considered as
appendages of the mainland, with the exception perhaps of Cos, already mentioned,
and the island of Syme, which is off the bay of Thymnias. There are many small
rocky islands along the coast. The numerous towns are described under their several
heads.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ΚΑΡΥΑΝΔΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Caryanda (Karuanda: Eth. Karuandeus). Stephanus (s. v. Karuanda) says
that Hecataeus, made the accusative singular Karuandan. He describes it as a city
and harbour (limen) near Myndus and Cos. But limen, in the text of Stephanus,
is an emendation or alteration: the MSS. have limne lake. Strabo places Caryanda
between Myndus and Bargylia, and he describes it, according to the common text,
as a lake, and island of the same name with it; and thus the texts of Stephanus,
who has got his information from Strabo, agree with the texts of Strabo. Pliny
(v. 31) simply mentions the island Caryanda with a town; but he is in that passage
only enumerating islands. In another passage (v. 29) he mentions Caryanda as a
place on the mainland, and Mela (i. 16) does also. We must suppose, therefore,
that there was a town on the island and one on the mainland. The harbour might
lie between. Scylax, supposed to be a native of Caryanda, describes the place
as an island, a city, and a port. Tzschucke corrected the text of Strabo, and
changed limne into limen: and the last editor of Stephanus has served him the
same way, following two modern critics. It is true that these words are often
confounded in the Greek texts; but if we change limne into limen in Strabo's text,
the word tauthe, which refers to limne, must also be altered. (See Groskurd's
note, Transl. Strab. vol. iii. p. 53.)
Leake (Asia Minor, p. 227) says there can be little doubt that the
large peninsula, towards the westward end of which is the fine harbour called
by the Turks Pasha Limani, is the ancient island of Caryanda, now joined to the
main by a narrow sandy isthmus. He considers Pasha Limani to be the harbour of
Caryanda noticed by Strabo, Scylax, and Stephanus. But it should not be forgotten
that the texts of Strabo and Stephanus speak of a limne, which may mean a place
that communicated with the sea. The supposition that the island being joined to
the main is a remote effect of the alluvium of the Maeander, seems very unlikely.
At any rate, before we admit this, we must know whether there is a current along
this coast that runs south from the outlet of the Maeander.
Strabo mentions Scylax the ancient writer as a native of Caryanda,
and Stephanus has changed him into the ancient logographus. Scylax is mentioned
by Herodotus (iv. 44): he sailed down the Indus under the order of the first Darius
king of Persia. He may have written something; for, if the Scylax, the author
of the Periplus, lived some time after Herodotus, as some critics suppose, Strabo
would not call him an ancient writer.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited August 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ΚΑΣΥΣΤΗΣ (Αρχαίο λιμάνι) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Casystes (Kasustes), a port of Ionia. Strabo, whose description proceeds
from south to north, after describing Teos, says, before you come to Erythrae,
first is Gerae, a small city of the Teians, then Corycus, a lofty mountain, and
a harbour under it, Casystes; and another harbour called Erythras (see Groskurd's
Transl. vol. iii. p. 24, 25, and notes). It is probably the Cyssus of Livy (xxxvi.
43), the port to which the fleet of Antiochus sailed (B.C. 191) before the naval
engagement in which the king was defeated by Eumenes and the Romans. Leake supposes
this port to be Latzata, the largest on this part of the coast.
ΚΑΥΝΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Caunus (he KauWos: Eth. KauWios and KauWaios), a city of Caria, in
the Peraea. Strabo places Caunus west of Calynda. Caunus had dockyards and a closed
harbour, that is, a harbour that could be closed. Above the city, on a height,
was the fort Imbrus. Diodorus (xx. 27) mentions two forts, Persicum and Heracleium.
The country was fertile, but unhealthy in summer and autumn, owing to the air
and the abundance of fruit, of which we must suppose the people ate too much,
as the fruit alone could not cause unhealthiness. Strabo's description of the
position is not clear. After mentioning Calynda, he says, then Caunus, and a river
near it, Calbis, deep, and having a navigable entrance, and between, Pisilis;
which means that Pisilis is between the Calbis and Caunus. It is clear, then,
that Caunus, according to Strabo, is not on the Calbis, as it is represented in
some maps. If the Calbis, which is the Indus, or the large river Dalamon Tchy,
is east of Pisilis, it is of course still further east of Caunus. Caunus is placed
in some maps a little distance south of a lake on a stream which flows from it,
and four or five miles from the sea; but the river is usually incorrectly marked
the Calbis. The site of Caunus is said to be now Kaiguez, or some similar name.
But the ancient descriptions of the site of Caunus vary. Mela (i. 16) places Caunus
on the Calbis. Ptolemy (v. 2) places it east of the Calbis, and his description
of the coast of Caria is exact. But as he mentions no other river except the Calbis
till we come to the Xanthus, he has omitted the Dalamon Tchy, unless this is his
Calbis. Pliny (v. 28), who proceeds from east to west in his description of this
part of the coast, mentions the great river Indus, supposed to be the Calbis,
and then Oppidum Caunus liberum. This confusion in the ancient authorities cannot
be satisfactorily cleared by the aid of any modern authorities. This part of the
coast seems to have been very imperfectly examined. Kiepert places Caunus on the
west side of the entrance of Portus Panormus.
Herodotus (i. 172) says that the habits of the Caunii were very different
from those of the Carians and other people. It was their fashion for men, women,
and children to mingle in their entertainments. They had once some foreign deities
among them, but they expelled them in singular fashion. The Caunii made a desperate
resistance to the Persian general Harpagus, like their neighbours the Lycians.
(Herod.i. 176.) The Caunii also joined the Ionians in their revolt against the
Persians after the burning of Sardis, B.C. 499. (Herod. v. 103.) When Thucydides
(i. 116) speaks of the expedition of Pericles to the parts about Caunus after
the seafight at the island of Tragia (B.C. 440), he says, he went towards Caria
and Caunus, as if he did not consider Caunus to be included in Caria Proper. The
place is mentioned several times in the eighth book of Thucydides, and in one
passage (viii. 39) as a secure harbour against attack. As Caunus was in the Rhodian
Peraea, it belonged to the Rhodians, but the islanders were not always able to
hold it. There is a story recorded in Polybius (xxxi. 7) of the Rhodians having
bought Caunus from the generals of Ptolemaeus for 200 talents; and they alleged
that they had received, as a grant from Antiochus the son of Seleucus, Stratoniceia
in Caria. Caunus was taken by Ptolemy in B.C. 309 (Diod. xx. 27), and the Rhodians
may have bought it of him. A decree of the Roman senate ordered the Rhodians to
take away their garrisons from Stratoniceia and Caunus. (Polyb. xxx. 19.) This
was in B.C. 167. (Liv. xlv. 25.) The Romans appear to have given Caunus, with
other places in Caria, to the Rhodians, after the defeat of Antiochus in Asia.
(Liv. xxxvii. 56.) For Appian says that in the massacre of the Romans in Asia,
which was planned by Mithridates Eupator, the Caunii, who had been made tributary
to the Rhodians after the war with Antiochus (B.C. 190), and had been set free
by the Romans not long before (B.C. 167), dragged out the Italians who had fled
for refuge to the Boulaea Hestia, or the hearth of Vesta, in the senate house,
and after murdering the children before the eyes of their mothers, they killed
the mothers and the husbands on the dead bodies. (Appian, Mithrid. c. 23.) This
dreadful massacre happened in B.C. 88; and Sulla, after defeating Mithridates,
repaid the Caunii by putting them again under their old masters the Rhodians.
Strabo says that the Caunii once revolted from the Rhodians, and the case being
heard by the Romans, they were brought back under the Rhodians; and there is an
extant oration of Molo against the Rhodians. Apollonius Molo was in Rome, B.C.
81, as an ambassador from the Rhodians, and this seems to be the occasion to which
Strabo refers (Cic. Brut. 90), and which is by some critics referred to the wrong
time. Cicero (ad Q. Fr. i. 1. § 11) speaks of the Caunii as being still subject
to the Rhodians in B.C. 59; but they had lately applied to the Romans to be released
from the Rhodian dominion, and requested that they might pay their taxes to the
Romans rather than to the Rhodians. Their prayer had not been listened to, as
it seems, for they were still under the Rhodians. Though Cicero says lately (nuper)
he may be speaking of the same event that Strabo mentions. When Pliny wrote, they
had been released from the tyranny of the islanders, for he calls Caunus a free
town.
Caunus was the birthplace of one great man, Protogenes the painter,
who was a contemporary of Apelles, and therefore of the period of Alexander the
Great; but he lived chiefly at Rhodes. Pliny (xxxv. 10) speaks of his birthplace
as a city subject to the Rhodians; and though we cannot use this as historical
evidence, Caunus may have been subject to the Rhodians at that time. Caunus was
a place of considerable trade, and noted for its dried figs (Plin. xv. 19), a
fruit that would not contribute to the unhealthiness of the place, even if the
people eat them freely. They seem to have been carried even to Italy, as we may
infer from a story in Cicero (de Divin. ii. 40).
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ΚΕΔΡΕΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Cedreae (Kedreai, Kedreiai: Eth. Kedreates. Kedraios), a city of Caria,
mentioned by Hecataeus. (Steph. s. v. Kedreai.) Lysander took the place, it being
in alliance with the Athenians. The inhabitants were michobarbaroi, a mixture
of Greeks and barbarians, as we may suppose. It was on the Ceramicus gulf in Caria;
but the site is unknown. (Xen. Hell. ii. 1. 15)
ΚΕΛΑΙΝΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Celaenae, a city of Phrygia. Strabo says
that the Maeander rises in a hill Celaenae, on which there was a city of the same
name as the hill, the inhabitants of which were removed to Apameia. Hamilton,
who visited the source (Researches, &c. vol. i. p. 499), says that at the base
of a rocky cliff a considerable stream of water gushes out with great rapidity.
This source of the Marsyas, and the cliff above it, may have been within the city
of Celaenae; but it did not appear to Hamilton that this cliff could be the acropolis
of Celaenae which Alexander considered to be impregnable (Arrian. Anab. i. 29;
Curt. iii. 1), and came to terms with the inhabitants. He supposes that the acropolis
may have been further to the NE., a lofty hill about a mile from the ravine of
the Marsyas (vol. ii. p. 366).
Herodotus speaks of Celaenae in describing the march of Xerxes to
Sardis (B.C. 481). He says (vii. 26) that the sources of the Maeander are here,
and those of a stream not less than the Maeander: it is named Catarrhactes, and,
rising in the Agora of Celaenae, flows into the Maeander. Xenophon, in describing
the march of Cyrus (Anab. i. 2. § 7), says that Cyrus had a palace at Celaenae,
and a large park, full of wild animals; the Maeander flowed through the park,
and also through the city, its source being in the palace. There was also a palace
of the Persian king at Celaenae, a strong place at the source of the Marsyas,
under the acropolis; and the Marsyas also flows through the city, and joins the
Maeander. The sources of the Marsyas were in a cave, and the width of the river
was 25 feet; within Celaenae perhaps he means. The Catarrhactes of Herodotus is
clearly the Marsyas of Xenophon, and the stream which Hamilton describes, who
adds, it appeared as if it had formerly risen in the centre of a great cavern,
and that the surrounding rocks had fallen in from the cliffs above. The descriptions
of Herodotus and Xenophon, though not the same, are perhaps not inconsistent.
The town, palaces, acropolis, and parks of Celaenae must have occupied a large
surface. In Livy's description (xxxviii. 13), the Maeander rises in the acropolis
of Celaenae, and runs through the middle of the city; and the Marsyas, which rises
not far from the sources of the Maeander, joins the Maeander. When the people
of Celaenae were removed to the neighboring site of Apameia Cibotus, they probably
took the materials of the old town with them. Strabo's description of the position
of Apameia is not free from difficulty. Leake thinks that it clearly appears from
Strabo that both the rivers (Marsyas and Maeander) ran through Celaenae, and that
they united in the suburb, which afterwards became the new city Apameia. It is
certain that Celaenae was near Apameia, the site of which is well fixed.
It was an unlucky guess of Strabo, and a bad piece of etymology, to
suggest that Celaenae night take its name from the dark colour of the rocks, in
consequence of their being burnt. But Hamilton observed that all the rocks are,
without exception, of a greyish white or cream-coloured limestone. The rock which
overhangs the sources of the Marsyas contains many nummulites, and broken fragments
of other bivalve shells.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited August 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ΚΙΛΛΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΙΟΛΙΣ
Cilla (Killa; Eth. Killaios), a town of Mysia, mentioned in the Iliad
(i. 36), with Chryse and Tenedus. Herodotus (i. 149) enumerates Cilia among the
eleven old Aeolian cities of Asia. Strabo (p. 612) places Cilia in the Adramyttene:
he says, near to Thebe is now a place named Cilia, where the temple of Apollo
Cillaeus is; there flows by it the river Cillos which comes from Ida; both Chrysa
and Cilia are near Antandrus; also the hill Cillaeum in Lesbos derived its name
from this Cilla; and there is a mountain Cillaeum between Gargara and Antandrus;
Daes of Colonae says that the temple of Apollo Cillaeus was first built at Colonae
by the Aeolians, who came from Hellas; and they say that a temple of Apollo Cillaeus
was also built at Chrysa, but it is uncertain whether this Apollo was the same
as Smintheus, or another. This river Cillos is said to be called Zellete or Zikeli,
according to some authorities.
ΚΛΑΖΟΜΕΝΕΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Klazomenai: Eth. Klazomenios: Kelisman. One of the cities of Ionia.
Strabo fixes its position within certain limits accurately enough. Clazomenae
occupied the northern side of an isthmus, of which the Teii had the southern part;
and this isthmus is the neck of land that connects the peninsula on which Erythrae
stands with the mainland. The Clazomenii had the Smyrnaei for their neighbours
on the east, and the Erythraei on the west; and on the west side, at the point
where the isthmus commenced, there was a rugged spot which was the boundary of
the territories of Erythrae and Clazomenae. Between Erythrae, which was on the
west coast of the peninsula, and this rugged boundary was the promontory of Mimas,
a mountain covered with forests. Close upon the boundary was a place called Chytrium,
as it is in Strabo's text, which, he says, was the original site of Clazomenae;
and next to it was the city of Clazomenae, as it existed in his time, with eight
small islands in front of it, which were cultivated. Pliny (v. 31) names numerous
islands in this part, and Thucydides (viii. 31) mentions three, which are in Pliny's
list, Pele, Drymussa, and Marathussa. Chandler (Asia Minor, c. 24) could only
count six, and all uncultivated. This name Chytrium is not mentioned by any writer
except Strabo, but it is evidently the place which Stephanus (s. v. Chuton) calls
Chytum; and Aristotle (Pol. v. 3) Chytrum. Clazomenae was on the south side of
the bay of Smyrna, as Strabo's description shows. The original settlement was
on the mainland, but the people through fear of the Persians passed over to the
island (Paus. vii. 3. § 8). Alexander, as Pausanias says, intended to make Clazomenae
a peninsula by uniting it to the mainland by a causeway. It appears that this
was done, for Chandler found near Vourla, on the south side of the bay of Smyrna,
a causeway about a quarter of a mile in length, and about 30 ft. wide, which connected
the mainland with a small island. He estimated the length of the island at a mile,
and the breadth at a quarter of a mile. The town was small, and the port was to
the NNW. Near the sea Chandler found traces of the walls, and on a hill the remains
of a theatre. It appears from this that the site of Clazomenae must have been
very contracted, and the city inconsiderable. Clazomenae, it is said, did not
exist before the Ionians settled in Asia. The greater part of the first settlers
were not Ionians, but people from Cleonae and Phlius, who left these cities when
the Dorians came into the Peloponnesus. These emigrants first occupied a place
in the territory of Colophon, named Scyppium or Schyphia (Steph. s. v. Skuphia),
and finally they removed to the place called Clazomenae (Paus. vii. 3. § 8). This
old town was on the mainland, and it successfully resisted the attacks of Alyattes
king of Lydia (Herod. i. 16). The enterprise of the people is shown by an early
attempt to colonise Abdera in Thrace, and by their trade with Egypt (Herod. i.
168, ii. 178). In the time of Croesus the Clazomenii had a treasury at Delphi
(i. 51). Herodotus enumerates Clazomenae among the states of Ionia that were on
the mainland, for the only insular states which he names are, Chios and Samos;
and yet the city of Clazomenae was on the island in his time. But as the territory
of the Clazomenii was on the mainland, and the city was merely their stronghold
on a small island close to the main, it could not be properly called an insular
state like Chios and Samos. (Herod. i. 142). Otanes the Persian took Clazomenae
soon after the commencement of the Ionian revolt (Herod. v. 123) and we must suppose
that the city at that time was on the island. Clazomenae became a dependency of
Athens, but after the losses of the Athenians in Sicily, it revolted with Chios
and Erythrae. The Clazomenii at the same time began to fortify Polichne on the
main as a place of refuge, if it should be necessary. The Athenians took Polichne,
and removed the people back to the island, except those who had been most active
in the revolt; and they went off to a place called Daphnus (Thuc. viii. 14, 23).
Clazomenae was now again in alliance with or dependence on Athens; but Astyochus
the Lacedaemonian commander arriving soon after bade those who were of the Athenian
party, remove from Clazomenae to Daphnus, which they refused to do, and Astyochus
failed in the attack that he made on Clazomenae, though it was unwalled (Thuc.
viii. 31). Some critics have argued that Polichne is not the name of a place,
and that it is Daphnus; but this does not appear to be so. Xenophon (Hell. v.
1. § 28) speaks of Clazomenae as an island even after the close of the Peloponnesian
War, and this is consistent with the story in Pausanias. The walls of the city
may have been built after the construction of the causeway, for Thucydides speaks
of Clazomenae as unwalled. Stephanus (s. v. Lampsos), on the authority of Ephorus,
names Lampsus as a part of the territory of Clazomenae. Strabo (p. 646) also speaks
of a temple of Apollo, and warm springs between Clazomenae and the bay of Smyrna,
and he appears to place them in the territory of Clazomenae. These are the springs
(Loutra) mentioned by Pausanias (vii. 5. § 11); and those which Chandler visited
on the road from Smyrna to Vourla, a place which is not far from the site of Clazomenae.
He found the heat of the water in the vein to be 150 degrees (of Fahrenheit).
When the Romans settled the affairs of this part of Asia after their treaty with
Antiochus (B.C. 188), they made the Clazomenii immunes or tax-free, and gave them
the island Drymussa, one of the small islands near Clazomenae, not a very valuable
present (Liv. xxxviii. 39; Polyb. xxii. 27). At the time when L. Sulla was in
Asia, after bringing Mithridates to terms (B.C. 84), Clazomenae and other places
on this coast were plundered by the pirates who infested the Aegean sea. (Appian,
Mithrid. 63.) Clazomenae was included in the Roman province of Asia. Clazomenae
was the birthplace of Anaxagoras (ho phusikos), who was one of the masters of
Archelaus, and the dramatist Euripides. Hamilton (Researches, &c. vol. ii. p.
9) obtained a few coins of Clazomenae at Ritri (Erythrae), and accordingly not
far from the site of the place to which they belonged.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ΚΛΑΡΟΣ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Clarus (Klaros: Eth. Klarios), a place in Ionia, near Colophon, where
there was a temple of Apollo, and an oracle of high antiquity. (Paus. vii. 3.
§ 1.) Claros is mentioned in the so-called Homeric hymns (i. 40, viii. 5), and
by the Latin poets. (Ovid. Met. i. 515; Virg. Aen. iii. 359.) There was an old
story that Calchas, on his return from Troy, came to Clarus, and died of vexation
on finding that Mopsus, the grandson of Tiresias, was a better seer than himself.
(Strab. p. 642.) When Germanicus was on his way to the East, he consulted the
Clarian oracle, which foretold his speedy death. The priest was selected from
certain families, and generally brought from Miletus. It was only necessary to
tell him the number and names of those who consulted the oracle, on which he went
into a cave, drank of the water of the secret fountain, and then delivered in
verse an answer to what each had in his thoughts: his answers, as usual with oracles,
were ambiguous. (Tac. Ann. ii. 54; Plin. ii. 103.)
Chandler (Asia Minor, c. 31) supposes that he discovered the site
of Clarus at a place called Zille, where he found a spring of water, with marble
steps that led down to it; and he considers that this is the sacred fountain.
Aiasaluck, the site of Ephesus, may be seen from this spot, with the plain of
Ephesus and the town of Scala Nova. He saw also a confused mass of ruins of a
large temple, and remains mains of Christian churches. Pausanias, who wrote in
the second century of the Christian aera, speaks of an unfinished temple of Apollo
at Clarus. The French editors of Chandler suggest that the ruins at Zille may
be those of Notium. On the coins of Clarus from the time of Domitian to Gallienus,
there is Apollo Clarius and Diana Claria.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited September 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ΚΝΙΔΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Cnidus (Knidos, Cnidus: Eth. Knidios), a city in Caria, at the western
extremity of a long peninsula, which forms the southern side of the bay called
Ceramicus. Strabo describes Cnidus accurately: it has two ports, one of which
can be closed, and is intended for triremes, and it has a station for twenty ships;
there lies in front of the city an island about seven stadia in circuit, lofty,
in the form of a theatre, joined by a causeway to the mainland, and making Cnidus
in a manner two cities, for a large part of Cnidus is on the island, which covers
both the harbours. This island, now called Cape Krio, is united to the main by
a sandy isthmus. The island is about 600 yards long, with an average width of
about 150 yards. Strabo's dimensions are pretty near the mark. On the west side
towards the sea the island is steep in some parts, and it slopes down eastward
towards the two harbours, which gives it the appearance that Strabo mentions.
On each side of the isthmus there is an artificial harbour; the smallest (on the
north side) has a narrow entrance between high piers, and was evidently the closed
basin for triremes which Strabo mentions. The southern and largest port is formed
by two transverse moles; these noble works were carried into the sea to the depth
of nearly a hundred feet; one of them is almost perfect; the other, which is more
exposed to the south-west swell, can only be seen under water. (Beaufort, Karamania,
p. 81.) A few yards from the end of the west pier there is very deep water at
the entrance of the southern harbour: it is marked 17 fathoms in Beaufort's plan.
The water shoals from the entrance of each harbour to the sandy isthmus which
connects Cape Krio with the mainland, and the Cnidians doubtless found no great
depth of water between the island and the main when they constructed their causeway.
Pausanias, who wrote after Strabo, in two different passages (viii. 30. § 2; v.
24. § 7), says that the island of Cnidus was separated from the mainland by a
narrow channel, which he calls Euripus; and in one of the passages he says that
there was a bridge over it. He adds that the chief part of the city is on the
mainland of Caria, as he calls it, and most of the chief buildings. There is perhaps
no inconsistency between Strabo and Pausanias, for if there was a bridge, there
was probably a causeway too.
The site of Cnidus is covered with ruins in every direction, particularly
on the NE. side of the harbour. To the SW. are the remains of an ancient quay,
supported by Cyclopian walls, and in some places cut out of the steep limestone
rocks, which rise abruptly from the water's edge. (Hamilton; Researches, &c. vol.
ii. p. 39.). Hamilton found the walls of Cnidus very perfect, and traced them
throughout their whole extent to the east of the harbour. The city is enclosed
by two walls, one running east and west, the other almost north and south, and
united at the summit of the hill to the NE. of the town; the former is partly
Cyclopian, and partly pseudisodomous, but the style improves as it ascends. The
northern part of the wall is very perfect, and contains two or three towers in
a state of great preservation; it is also the best constructed, being probably
of a later date and purely isodomous. The walls in the peninsula are also well
preserved, containing a round tower of great beauty at the extremity, near the
northern harbour. (Hamilton.) No ancient city has been more mercilessly plundered
than Cnidus; its proximity to the sea may account for its present condition. There
are two theatres, one of which had a diameter of 400 feet, both in a ruined condition,
a Doric stoa, and the basement of a large building which may have been a temple.
The two theatres were on the mainland side. On the site of the town there are
circular or pear-shaped holes in the ground covered with cement, which must have
been cisterns, as Hamilton supposes, for holding rain water; for there is neither
stream nor fountain anywhere near. Cnidus contains examples of Greek architecture
of different kinds, both Doric and Ionic. The drawings of the most important remains
are published in the Ionian Antiquities of the Dilettanti Society. (From Beaufort's
Karamania.)
About a mile or more from the eastern gate of Cnidus are numerous
tombs, some of which are buildings of considerable extent. One of the largest
is a square of 120 feet, with walls of beautiful polygonal construction and a
regular coping of flat slabs; within this space are two or three small buildings,
apparently tombs. (Hamilton.) The front wall of these tombs is in some few cases
built in horizontal courses, but the polygonal blocks are most frequent. In the
interior there are either arched vaults or narrow passages covered with flat stones;
the vaults are either formed of large Cyclopian blocks, or of small stones firmly
cemented together. (Hamilton.) The existence of Cyclopian masonry, Mr. Hamilton
observes, thus intimately connected with regular arches, seems to prove that the
polygonal style must have been in use at a much later period than is usually believed.
He further says, that this Cyclopian masonry, as it is called, is not decisive
evidence of the great antiquity of a building; and few good critics will dispute
the truth of this remark now. An inscription was found among these Cyclopian tombs
which belongs to the Roman period.
The extreme western point of the Cnidian peninsula was the Triopium
Promontorium, as Scylax calls it, now Cape Krio, and perhaps Herodotus (i. 174)
limits the name Triopium to this promontory. But the territory of Cnidus (he Knidia)
extended eastward to Bubassus at the head of the gulf of Syme, and here is the
narrow isthmus which the Cnidians attempted to cut through in the time of Cyrus
the Persian. This long narrow peninsula is about 40 miles in length, and its greatest
width about 10 miles. It does not seem to have been accurately examined by any
modern traveller, but we know its form now from the late British survey. Herodotus
certainly calls all this peninsula the Cnidia, and he describes it more clearly
than any other writer. Pliny (v. 28) is very brief and confused; perhaps he gives
the name Triopia to the small peninsula, or he may include in this term the western
part of the whole peninsula. His term Doris may perhaps include the whole peninsula.
Pausanias (i. 1. § 3) has no name for it, unless it be the Carian Chersonesus,
for he speaks of Cnidus as being in the Carian Chersonesus; but in another passage
(v. 24. § 7) he clearly gives the name Chersonesus only to the island,which is
now Cape Krio, and he says that the chief part of Cnidus is built on the Carian
mainland. As the narrow isthmus which the Cnidians attempted to cut through is
at the eastern extremity of the peninsula, it is a fair conclusion that all the
part west of the isthmus belonged to the Cnidii; and as there is no other city
to whose territory it could conveniently be attached, it seems a certain conclusion
that they had the whole of the peninsula. Cnidus is mentioned in one of the so-called
Homeric hymns, but we can conclude nothing from this. It was a Lacedaemonian colony,
and the leader of the colony according to tradition was Triopas. (Pans. x. 11.
§ 1.) It was one of the members of the Dorian Hexapolis, which was reduced to
five cities after the exclusion of Halicarnassus. (Herod. i. 144.) These Dorian
colonies, Cnidus, Cos, and Lindus, Ialysus and Camirus in Rhodes, formed a confederation.
Their place of meeting was at the temple of the Triopian Apollo, where they had
games, and bronze tripods for prizes. The site of the Triopian temple was on the
island, now Cape Krio. (Thucyd. viii. 35.) The Cnidians traded to Egypt at an
early period (Herod. ii. 178); and they had a treasury at Delphi (Paus. x. 11.
§ 5). The position of the place was favourable for trade, and. Cnidus acquired
wealth. They colonised Lipara, one of the Aeolian islands off the north coast
of Sicily. After their unsuccessful attempt to cut. across their isthmus, the
Cnidians surrendered to Harpagus, the general of Cyrus the Persian, and so far
as we know they remained quiet. At the commencement of the Peloponnesian War they
were dependents on Athens, for we must suppose that Thucydides (ii. 9) includes
them in the term Dorians dwelling close to the Carians. Cnidus deserted the Athenians
after their losses in Sicily, and the Athenians made an unsuccessful attempt to
seize the place. Thucydides (viii. 35), after speaking, of the Athenians surprising
some vessels at the Triopian promontory, says that they then sailed down upon
Cnidus, and attacking the city, which was unwalled, nearly took it. The city is
evidently the town on the mainland, and as this city was then unwalled, the walls
which Hamilton describes must be of later date than the Peloponnesian War. In
B.C. 394 Conon, who commanded a Persian and. Hellenic fleet, defeated the Lacedaemonians
under Pisander off Cnidus and destroyed the supremacy of Sparta. (Xen. Hell. iv.
3. 10; Isocrates, Panegyr. c. 39.)
In the war of the Romans with Antiochus the Cnidii readily obeyed
the orders of the Romans. (Liv. xxxvii. 16.) One of the very few occasions on
which anything is recorded of the military operations of the Cnidii is their sending
relief to Calynda, when it had revolted from Caunus (Polyb. xxxi. 17),. about
B.C. 163. On the settlement of the province of Asia they were included in it,
and in Pliny's time Cnidus was Libera, and probably at an earlier time. It was
taken by the pirates who infested these seas before they were cleared out by Cn.
Pompeius B.C. 67 (Cic. Pro Lege Manilia, c. 12), at the same time that Samos,
Colophon and other places on the coast were plundered.
Hamilton (Researches and Appendix, vol. ii.) copied several inscriptions
at Cnidus. None of them are ancient, and most of them belong to the Roman period.
The Doric form appears in damos and other words. The name of Apollo Carneius occurs
in one inscription; and Apollo was worshipped under this name at Corinth, and
by all the Dorians (Paus. iii. 13. § 4). This inscription is a memorial in honour
of Caius Julius Theopompus (Theupompus in the inscription) the son of Artemidorus
(as it stands in Hamilton's copy), and it was erected by his friend Marcus Aephicius
Apollonius, the son of Marcus. There was a Theopompus, a native of Cnidus, an
historical writer and friend of the dictator Caesar (Strab. p. 656); and Theopompus
had a son Artemidorus, but according to this inscription Theopompus, was the son
of Artemidorus. An Artemidorus informed Caesar of the conspiracy against him.
(Plut.. Caes. c. 65.) The inscription shows that Theopompus was a Greek who had
after Greek fashion taken the praenomen and nomen of his patron, and this Theopompus
may have been the man whom the dictator patronised. Hamilton conjectures that
Apollonius may be Molon, the rhetorician, the teacher of Caesar, and Cicero; but
if that is so, his father must have received the Roman citizenship, for he is
called: Marcus in the inscription.
Eudoxus the mathematician, as Strabo calls him, one of the friends
of Plato, was a native of Cnidus; but he is chiefly known as an astronomer. Strabo
(p. 119, 806) speaks of his observatory (skope) at Cnidus, from which he saw the
star Canopus: his observatory was not much higher than the houses. Ctesias, a
physician, and the author of a Persian history, was a native of Cnidus; and also
Agatharchides, who wrote a treatise on the Erythraean sea and other works. The
Cnidians were fond of art, though the city did not produce artists. They placed
a statue of Jupiter at Olympia, with a statue of Pelops on one side of it, and
the river Alpheius on the other. (Paus. v. 24. § 7.) They also set up at Delphi
a statue of Triopas, the so-called founder of their city, a figure of a man standing
by a horse; and a Leto, and Apollo and Artemis, shooting their arrows at Tityus.
(Paus. x. 11. § 1.) The painting of Polygnotus, at Delphi, called Lesche, was
an offering of the Cnidii. (Paus. x. 25. § 1.) Aphrodite was worshipped at Cnidus,
and the place was supposed to be one of her favourite abodes. (Hor. Od. i. 30;
iii. 28.) Pausanias mentions three temples of Aphrodite at Cnidus; in the oldest
she was worshipped as Doritis, in a second as Acraea, and in the third and most
recent as Cnidia, or, as the Cnidians called her, Euploea, the deity of mariners
(i. 1. § 3). Cnidus possessed the statue of the naked Aphrodite of Praxiteles,
of Parian marble, one of the great works of Grecian genius. The statue stood in
a chamber with two doors, so that the figure could be seen on both sides. People
used to visit Cnidus to see the beautiful goddess. (Plin. xxxvii. 5.) Nicomedes,
king of Bithynia, offered to buy this precious work from the Cnidians by paying
the whole of the public debt of Cnidus, which was large, but the Cnidians preferred
to keep their goddess and their debt. Lucian, (Amor. c. 11, &c.), or the author
of the little piece that is printed in Lucian's works, has described the statue
with the feeling of an artist. (Dict. of Biogr. art. Praxiteles, where the various
passages are referred to.)
The coins of Cnidus have the epigraph kni and knidian.
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ΚΟΛΟΣΣΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
ΚΟΛΟΦΩΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Kolophon: Eth. Kolophonios. One of the Ionian cities of Asia, founded,
according to tradition, by Andraemon. The tomb of Andraemon was on the left as
a man went from Colophon, after crossing the river Calaon. (Pausan. vii. 3. §
5.) It was 120 stadia from Lebedus, which was north of it; and from Ephesus, which
was south of it, 70 stadia, direct sailing, but 120 along the coast. (Strab. p.
643.) The little river Hales or Ales flowed by Colophon, and was noted for the
coolness of its water. (Paus. viii. 28. § 3.) The place was a short distance from
the coast; and its port was Notium (Notion), with respect to which Colophon was
called the upper city (he ano polis, Thuc. iii. 34).
Colophon and Ephesus did not, like the other Ionian cities of Asia,
celebrate the festival of the Apaturia; for some reason or other connected with
an affair of blood. (Herod. i. 147.) At an early period in the history of Colophon,
some of the citizens being exiled by the opposite faction, retired to Smyrna,
where they were received. But, watching an opportunity, they seized the town,
and the matter was at last settled by the Smyrnaeans agreeing to go away with
all their moveables, and leaving Smyrna in possession of the Colophonian exiles.
(Herod. i. 150; compare the confused story in Strabo, p. 633, about Smyrna and
Colophon.) Herodotus mentions Notium as an Aeolian city (i. 149); and some critics
have supposed that he means the Notium which was the port or lower city of Colophon;
a supposition that needs no refutation.
Colophon was taken by Gyges, king of Lydia. (Herod. i. 14.) Alyattes,
one of his successors, took Smyrna, the city that was founded from Colophon (Herod.
i. 16),- in which passage Herodotus appears to allude to the story of Smyrna that
he tells in another place (i. 150). Colophon is seldom mentioned. Early in the
Peloponnesian War the Persians got possession of the upper town or Colophon, owing
to the people quarrelling among themselves. The party who were expelled maintained
themselves in Notium; but even they could not agree, and a Persian faction was
formed in Notium. The party opposed to the Persians called in Paches, the Athenian
commander, who drove the Persian party out of Notium, and gave it back to the
Colophonians, except those who had been on the Persian side. Afterwards the Athenians
sent some settlers to Notium, and collected there all the Colophonians that they
could from the cities to which they had fled. (Thuc. iii. 34.) Notium and Colophon
are mentioned by Xenophon (Hell. i. 1. § 4) as distinct towns.
Lysimachus, a Macedonian, and one of Alexander's body-guard, who,
after Alexander's death, made himself king of the Thracians, destroyed Lebedus
and Colophon, and removed the people to his new city of Ephesus. (Paus. i. 9.
§ 7, vii. 3. § 4.) The Colophonii were the only people of those removed to Ephesus
who resisted Lysimachus and his Macedonians; and those who fell in the battle
were buried on the way from Colophon to Clarus, on the left side of the road.
Probably a large mound was raised over the dead. Antiochus, king of Syria, in
his war with the Romans (B.C. 190), unsuccessfully besieged Notium, which Livy
(xxxvii. 26) calls oppidum Colophonium, and he observes that it was about two
miles from Old Colophon. On the settlement of affairs after the war with Antiochus,
the Romans gave to the Colophonii who dwelt in Notium freedom from taxation (immunitas),
as a reward for their fidelity to them in the war. (Liv. xxxviii. 39.) Polybius
also calls the Colophonii those who dwelt in Notium (xxii. 27). But it was still
the fashion to speak of Colophon as Cicero does (pro Leg. Manil. c. 12) when he
mentions Colophon as one of the cities plundered by the pirates in his own time.
This Colophon seems to be Notium. Strabo does not mention Notium; and he speaks
of Colophon as if the old city existed when he wrote, though his remarks on the
distance from Ephesus seem to apply rather to Notium or New Colophon than to the
old town. Mela (i. 17) mentions Colophon, and not Notium. Pliny (v. 29) says that
Colophon is in the interior, and that the Halesus (the Ales of Pausanias) flows
by it. Next is the temple of Apollo of Clarus, Lebedus: there was also Notium,
a town. This is a good example of Pliny's careless compilation. Thucydides tells
us that Notium was the town on the coast or naval town, and that Colophon was
the upper town; and Livy distinguishes the two clearly, and gives the distance
of Old Colophon from the coast. The site of Notium and Colophon is easily determined,
being near to Clarus. Chandler says that there are no ruins at Notium, and only
some miserable cabins on the site of Colophon. Notium must have been as old as
Colophon: it was mentioned by Hecataeus in his Asia as a city of Ionia (Steph.
B. s. v. Notion).
Strabo says that the Colophonians had once a good navy, and an excellent
cavalry. Their cavalry was so superior as to assure the victory to the side on
which it fought, whence he says came the proverb, He has put the Colophon to it
(ton Kolophona epebeken) whenever a matter was brought to a certain termination.
The Scholiast on the Theaetetus of Plato (on the words ton Kolophona anankazo
prosbibazon) gives a different explanation. He says that when the twelve Ionian
states assembled at the Panionium, if the votes were equal, the Colophonii had
the casting vote, for they received the Smyrnaeans to live with them, on behalf
of whom they had this vote; whence the proverb was used to express a casting or
deciding vote.
Colophon was one of the places that claimed to be the birthplace of
Homer. It was the native city of Mimnermus, an elegiac poet; of the musician Polymnestus;
of Phoenix, a writer of iambi (Paus. i. 9. § 7.); of Hermesianax, an elegiac writer
(Athen. p. 597, who quotes a large fragment); of Antimachus, an epic poet; of
Xenophanes, a writer of silli; and of Nicander, whose Theriaca is extant.
The resin of Colophon is mentioned by Pliny as an article of commerce;
and it is also mentioned by Dioscorides (Pliny, xiv. 20, and Harduin‘s note) under
the name Colophonia, which the French call Colophane. The mountain Gallesus, near
Colophon (Strab. p. 642.), is a huge mass covered with noble pines, and it abounds
in water.. The mountain supplied the pine wood for the resin.
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ΚΥΜΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Kume: Eth. Kumaios. A city of Aeolis, so called, according to a legend,
from Cyme an Amazon; and the city was also called Amazoneion. There was, according
to Stephanus (s. v. Kume), another Cyme, which was called Phriconitis. Herodotus,
however (i. 149), enumerating Cyme among the cities of Aeolis, calls it Cyme which
is named Phriconis. Temnus and Aegae, Aeolian cities, were situated in the hill
country which lies above the territory of Cyme, and of Phocaea, and of Smyrna,
along which the Hermus flows. It was north of the Hermus, as appears from Strabo,
who says that, after crossing the Hermus, the distance from Larissa to Cyme was
70 stadia, and from Cyme to Myrina was 40 stadia. The author of the Life of Homer
also places Cyme north of the Hermus, and he quotes some lines which show that
it was on an eminence, a spur or projection of a mountain called Sardene. The
coins of Cyme show that there was a stream near it called Xanthus. The site of
this ancient city is generally supposed to be at a place called Sanderli or Sandarlio,
on that part of the coast which is opposite to the southern extremity of Lesbos.
Whether this is the exact site or not, may be doubtful, but it is not far from
it. This is the story of the origin of Cyme. (Strab. p. 621.) The inhabitants
of Phricium, a mountain above Thermopylae, landed on the spot where Cyme now is,
says Strabo; they found the Pelasgi, who had suffered from the war of Troy, still
in possession of Larissa. The new comers built Neon Teichos, 30 stadia from Larissa,
and from this point annoyed the Pelasgi. Here Strabo's text begins to be corrupt,
and it is useless to attempt to mend it; though one may guess what is meant. We
learn, however, that Cyme was founded after Neon Teichos, and it was named Phriconis
from the mountain in Locris. Strabo observes that Cyme was the largest and noblest
of the Aeolian cities; and Cyme and Lesbos might be considered the parent cities
of the other cities, which were about thirty in number, of which not a few had
ceased to exist. Herodotus (i. 157) observes that the Aeolians and Ionians used
to consult the oracle at Branchidae, and he tells a story about the Cymaeans consulting
it when Pactyes the Lydian fled to them to escape punishment from the Persians.
Cyme came under the Persians after the overthrow of the Lydian kingdom; and a
tyrannus of Cyme, Aristagoras, was one of those who are represented by Herodotus
as deliberating whether they should destroy the bridge over the Danube, and leave
king Darius to perish on the north side of the river (iv. 137). When Aristagoras
of Miletus stirred up the Ionians to revolt against Darius, Cyme joined the insurrection,
and sent Aristagoras away without doing him any harm. But Cyme was soon recovered
by the Persians (v. 38, 123). Sandoces, the governor of Cyme in the time of Xerxes,
commanded fifteen ships in the great expedition against Greece (B.C. 480). He
seems to have been a Greek. (Herod. vii. 194.) The remnant of the fleet of Xerxes
which escaped from Salamis wintered at Cyme. (Herod. viii. 130.) The history of
Cyme is very barren, notwithstanding what Strabo says of its greatness. The place
is hardly more than mentioned in the history of Thucydides (iii. 31, viii. 31,
100). After the conclusion of the war of the Romans against Antiochus, Cyme, like
Colophon, obtained freedom from taxation. (Polyb. xxii. 27; Liv. xxxviii. 39.)
It was afterwards included in the Roman province of Asia. It was one of the cities
of Asia that was damaged by the great earthquake in the time of Tiberius. (Tacit.
Ann. ii. 47.) Pliny (v. 30) mentions Cyme in his list of Aeolian cities; and Ptolemy
(v. 2). Under the Byzantine empire it was a bishop's see. Cyme was the birthplace
of the historian Ephorus; and Hesiod's father, according to the poet (Op. et D.
636), sailed from Cyme to settle at Ascra in Boeotia; which does not prove, as
such compilers as Stephanus and Suidas suppose, that Hesiod was a native of Cyme.
Strabo gives a reason for the alleged stupidity of the Cymaei, which is not worth
the trouble of transcribing.
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ΛΑΒΡΑΝΔΑ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Labranda (ta Labranda or Labraunda), a village in the west of Caria,
about 60 stadia from the town of Mylasa, to which the village belonged, and with
which it was connected by a road called the sacred. Labranda was situated in the
mountains, and was celebrated for its sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, to which processions
went along the sacred road from Mylasa. Herodotus describes (v. 119) the sanctuary
as an extensive grove of plane trees, within which a body of Carians, in their
war against the Persians, retreated for safety. Strabo (xiv. p. 659) speaks of
an ancient temple with a xoanon of Zeus Stratios, who was also surnamed Labrandenus
or. Labrandeus. Aelian (H. A. xii. 30), who states that the temple of Labranda
was 70 stadia from Mylasa, relates that a spring of clear water, within the sanctuary,
contained fishes, with golden necklaces and rings. Chandler (Antiq. of Ionia,
pt. 1. c. 4, and Asia Minor, c. 58) was the first who stated his belief, that
the ruins at Iakli, south of Kizeljik, consisting of a theatre and a ruined temple
of the Ionian order, of which 16 columns, with the entablature, were then still
standing, were those of ancient Labranda and of the temple of Zeus Stratios. But
Choiseul Gouffier, Barbie du Bocage, and Leake (Asia Minor, p. 232), agree in
thinking that these ruins belong to Euromus rather than Labranda. Their view is
supported by the fact that the ruins of the temple have nothing very ancient about
them, but rather show that they belong to a structure of the Roman period. The
remains of Labranda must be looked for in the hills to the north-east of Mylasa.
Sir C. Fellows (Journal, p. 261), apparently not knowing what had been done by
his predecessors, unhesitatingly speaks of the ruins at Iakli as those of Labranda,
and gives an engraving of the remains of the temple under the name of the Temple
at Labranda.
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ΛΑΓΙΝΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Lagina (ta Lagina), a place in the territory of Stratoniceia, in Caria,
contained a most splendid temple of Hecate, at which every year great festivals
were celebrated. (Strab. xiv. p. 660.) Tacitus (Ann. iii. 62), when speaking of
the worship of Trivia among the Stratoniceians, evidently means Hecate. The name
of Lagina is still preserved in the village of Lakena, not far from the sources
of the Tshina. Laginia, mentioned by Steph. B. as a polichnion Karias, seems to
be the same as the Lagina of Strabo.
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ΛΑΔΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
The largest of a group of small islands in the Sinus Latmicus, close
by Miletus, and opposite the mouth of the Maeander. It was a protection to the
harbours of Miletus, but in Strabo's time it was one of the haunts and strongholds
of pirates. Lade is celebrated in history for the naval defeat sustained there
by the Ionians against the Persians in B.C. 494. (Herod. vi. 8; Thucyd. viii.
17, 24; Strab. xiv. p. 635 ; Paus. i. 35. § 6; Steph. B. s. v.; Plin. v. 37.)
That the island was not quite uninhabited, is clear from Strabo, and from the
fact of Stephanus B. mentioning the ethnic form of the name, Ladaios.
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ΛΑΟΔΙΚΕΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Laodiceia, Ad Lycum (Laodikeia pros toi Lnko: Eski Hissar). A city
in the south-west of Phrygia1 , about a mile from the rapid river Lycus,
is situated on the long spur of a hill between the narrow valleys of the small
rivers Asopus and Caprus, which discharge their waters into the Lycus. The town
was originally called Diospolis, and afterwards Rhoas (Plin. v. 29), and Laodiceia,
the building of which is ascribed to Antiochus Theos, in honour of his wife Laodice,
was probably founded on the site of the older town. It was not far west from Colossae,
and only six miles to the west of Hierapolis. (It. Ant. p. 337; Tab. Peut.; Strab.
xiii. p; 629.) At first Laodiceia was not a place of much importance, but it soon
acquired a high degree of prosperity. It suffered greatly during the Mithridatic
War (Appian, Bell. Mithr. 20; Strab. xii. p. 578), but quickly recovered under
the dominion of Rome; and towards the end of the Republic and under the first
emperors, Laodiceia became one of the most important and flourishing commercial
cities of Asia Minor, in which large money transactions and an extensive trade
in wood were carried on. (Cic. ad Fam. ii. 1. 7, iii. 5; Strab. xii. p. 577; comp.
Vitruv. viii. 3.) The place often suffered from earthquakes, especially from the
great shock in the reign of Tiberius, in which it was completely destroyed. But
the inhabitants restored it from their own means. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 27.) The wealth
of its inhabitants created among them a taste for the arts of the Greeks, as is
manifest from its ruins; and that it did not remain behind-hand in science and
literature is attested by the names of the sceptics Antiochus and Theiodas, the
successors of Aenesidemus (Diog. Laert. ix. 11. § 106, 12. § 116), and by the
existence of a great medical school. (Strab. xii. p. 580.) During the Roman period
Laodiceia was the chief city of a Roman conventus. (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 7, ix. 25,
xiii. 54, 67, xv. 4, ad Att. v. 15, 16, 20, 21, vi. 1, 2, 3, 7, in Verr. i. 30.)
Many of its inhabitants were Jews, and it was probably owing to this circumstance,
that at a very early period it became one of the chief seats of Christianity,
and the see of a bishop. (St. Paul, Ep. ad Coloss. ii. 1, iv. 15, foil.; Apocal.
iii. 14, foll.; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xiv. 10, 20; Hierocl. p. 665.) The Byzantine
writers often mention it, especially in the time of the Comneni; and it was fortified
by the emperor Manuel. (Nicet. Chon. Ann. pp. 9, 81.) During the invasion of the
Turks and Mongols the city was much exposed to ravages, and fell into decay, but
the existing remains still attest its former greatness, The ruins near Denisli
are fully described in Pococke's, Chandler's, Cockerell's, Arundel's and Leake's
works. Nothing, says Hamilton (Researches, vol. i. p. 515), can exceed the desolation
and melancholy appearance of the site of Laodiceia; no picturesque features in
the nature of the ground on which it stands relieve the dull uniformity of its
undulating and barren hills; and with few exceptions, its grey and widely scattered
ruins possess no architectural merit to attract the attention of the traveller.
Yet it is impossible to view them without interest, when we consider what Laodiceia
once was, and how it is connected with the early history of Christianity. ...
Its stadium, gymnasium, and theatres (one of which is in a state of great preservation,
with its seats still perfectly horizontal, though merely laid upon the gravel),
are well deserving of notice. Other buildings, also, on the top of the hill, are
full of interest; and on the east the line of the ancient wall may be distinctly
traced, with the remains of a gateway; there is also a street within and without
the town, flanked by the ruins of a colonnade and numerous pedestals, leading
to a confused heap of fallen ruins on the brow of the hill, about 200 yards outside
the walls. North of the town, towards the Lycus, are many sarcophagi, with their
covers lying near them, partly imbedded in the ground, and all having been long
since rifled.
Amongst other interesting objects are the remains of an aqueduct,
commencing near the summit of a low hill to the south, whence it is carried on
arches of small square stones to the edge of the hill. The water must have been
much charged with calcareous matter, as several of the arches are covered with
a thick incrustation. From this hill the aqueduct crossed a valley before it reached
the town, but, instead of being carried over it on lofty arches, as was the usual
practice of the Romans, the water was conveyed down the hill in stone barrel-pipes;
some of these also are much incrusted, and some completely choked up. It traversed
the plain in pipes of the same kind; and I was enabled to trace them the whole
way, quite up to its former level in the town. ...The aqueduct appears to have
been overthrown by an earthquake, as the remaining arches lean bodily on one side,
without being much broken...
The stadium, which is in a good state of preservation, is near the
southern extremity of the city. The seats, almost perfect, are arranged along
two sides of a narrow valley, which appears to have been taken advantage of for
this purpose, and to have been closed up at both ends. Towards the west are considerable
remains of a subterranean passage, by which chariots and horses were admitted
into the arena, with a long inscription over the entrance. ...The whole area of
the ancient city is covered with ruined buildings, and I could distinguish the
sites of several temples, with the bases of the columns still in situ... The ruins
bear the stamp of Roman extravagance and luxury, rather than of the stern and
massive solidity of the Greeks. Strabo attributes the celebrity of the place to
the fertility of the soil and the wealth of some of its inhabitants: amongst whom
Hiero, having adorned the city with many beautiful buildings, bequeathed to it
more than 2000 talents at his death.
1 Ptolemy (v. 2. § 18) and Philostratus (Vit. Soph. i. 25) call it a town
of Caria, while Stephanus B. (s. v.) describes it as belonging to Lydia; which
arises from the uncertain frontiers of these countries.
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ΛΑΡΙΣΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
A town in the territory of Ephesus, on the north bank of the Caystrus,
which there flows through a most fertile district, producing an excellent kind
of wine. It was situated at a distance of 180 stadia from Ephesus, and 30 from
Tralles. (Strab. ix. p. 440, xiii. p. 620.) In Strabo's time it had sunk to the
rank of a village, but it was said once to have been a Polis, with a temple of
Apollo. Cramer (As. Min. i. p. 558) conjectures that its site may correspond to
the modern Tirieh.
ΛΑΤΜΟΣ (Βουνό) ΚΑΡΙΑ
Latmus (Latmos), a mountain of Caria, rising at the head of the Latmic
bay, and stretching along in a north-western direction. (Strab. xiv. p. 635 ;
Apollon. Rhod. iv. 57; Plin. v. 31 ; Pomp. Mel. i. 17.) It is properly the western
offshoot of Mount Albanus or Albacus. This mountain is probably alluded to by
Homer (Il. ii. 868), when he speaks of the mountain of the Phthirians, in the
neighbourhood of Miletus. In Greek mythology, Mount Latmus is a place of some
celebrity, being described as the place where Artemis (Luna) kissed the sleeping
Endymion. In later times there existed on the mountain a sanctuary of Endymion,
and his tomb was shown in a cave. (Apollod. i. 7. § 5 ; Hygin. Fab. 271; Ov. Trist.
ii. 299; Val. Flacc. iii. 28; Paus. v. 1. § 4; Stat. Silv. iii. 4. § 40.)
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ΛΕΒΕΔΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Lebedos (Lebedos: Eth. Lebedios), an ancient city on the western coast
of Asia Minor, 90 stadia to the east of Cape Myonnesus, and 120 to the north-west
of Colophon. (Strab. xiv. p. 643.) The place was originally inhabited by Carians,
until, on the immigration of the Ionians into Asia, it was taken possession of
by them under the guidance of Andraemon, a son of Codrus. (Paus. vii. 3. § 2.)
Strabo (xiv. p. 633), however, in speaking of the foundation of the Ionian cities,
states that it was colonised by Andropompus and his followers, having previously
borne the name of Artis: the tomb of Andraemon, moreover, was shown in the neighbourhood
of Colophon, on the road crossing the river Hales. (Paus. l. c.) For a long time
Lebedos continued to be a city flourishing by its commerce, the fertility of its
territory, and the excellent hot mineral springs in its neighbourhood, which still
exist. (Hecat. Fragm. 219; Herod. i. 142; Thucyd. viii. 19.) It was afterwards
nearly destroyed by Lysimachus, who transplanted its population to Ephesus (Paus.
l. c. i. 9. § 8); after which time Lebedos appears to have fallen more and more
into decay, so that in the days of Horace it was more deserted than Gabii or Fidenae.
(Epist. i. 11. 7.) It is mentioned, however, as late as the 7th century of the
Christian era (Aelian, V. H. viii. 5; Ptol. v. 2. § 7; Mela, i. 17; Plin. H. N.
v. 31; Hierocles, p. 660); and the Romans, in order to raise the place in some
measure, established there the company of actors (technitai peri ton Dionuson)
who had formerly dwelt in Teos, whence during a civil commotion they withdrew
to Ephesus. Attalus afterwards transplanted them to Myonnesus; and the Romans,
at the request of the Teians, transferred them to Lebedos, where they were very
welcome, as the place was very thinly inhabited. At Lebedos the actors of all
Ionia as far as the Hellespont had ever after an annual meeting, at which games
were celebrated in honour of Dionysus. (Strab. xiv. p. 643.) The site of Lebedos
is marked by some ruins, now called Ecclesia or Xingi, and consisting of masses
of naked stone and bricks, with cement. There also exists the basement and an
entire floor of a small temple; and nearer the sea there are traces of ancient
walls, and a few fragments of Doric columns. (Chandler's Asia Minor, p. 125.)
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ΛΕΥΚΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Leucae or Leuce (Leukai, Leuke) a small town of Ionia, in the neighbourhood
of Phocaea, was situated, according to Pliny (v. 31), in promontorio quod insula
fuit. From Scylax (p. 37) we learn that it was a place with harbours. According
to Diodorus (xv. 18) the Persian admiral Tachos founded this town on an eminence
on the sea coast, in B.C. 352; but shortly after, when Tachos had died, the Clazomenians
and Cymaeans quarrelled about its possession, and the former succeeded by a stratagem
in making themselves masters of it. At a later time Leucae became remarkable for
the battle fought in its neighbourhood between the consul Licinius Crassus and
Aristonicus, B.C. 131. (Strab. xiv. p. 646; Justin, xxxvi. 4.) Some have supposed
this place to be identical with the Leuconium mentioned by Thucydides (viii. 24);
but this is impossible, as this latter place must be looked for in Chios. The
site of the ancient Leucae cannot be a matter of doubt, as a village of the name
of Levke, close upon the sea, at the foot of a hill, is evidently the modern representative
of its ancient namesake. (Arundell, Seven Churches, p. 295.)
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ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥΣ (Αρχαία κωμόπολη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Leucophrys (Leukophrus), a town in Caria, apparently in the plain
of the Maeander, on the borders of a lake, whose water was hot and in constant
commotion. (Xenoph. Hell. iv. 8. § 17, iii. 2. § 19.) From the latter of the passages
here referred to, we learn that the town possessed a very revered sanctuary of
Artemis; hence surnamed Artemis Leucophryene or Leucophryne. (Paus. i. 26. § 4;
Strab. xiv. p. 647; Tac. Ann. iii. 62.) The poet Nicander spoke of Leucophrys
as a place distinguished for its fine roses. (Athen. xv. p. 683.)
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ΛΟΡΥΜΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Loryma (ta Loruma), a small fortified place with a port, close to
Cape Cynossema, on the western-most point of the Rhodian Chersonesus, in Caria.
Its harbour was about 20 Roman miles distant from Rhodes. (Liv. xxxvii. 17, xlv.
10 ; Steph. B. s. v.; Plin. v. 29; Ptol. v. 2. § 11; Thucyd. viii. 43; Senec.
Quaest. Nat. iii. 19 ; Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 72.) Strabo (xiv. p. 652) applies
the name Loryma to the whole of the rocky district, without mentioning the town.
The Larumna of Mela (i. 16) and the Lorimna of the Tab. Peut. perhaps refer to
Loryma, although it is also possible that they may be identical with a place called
Larymna mentioned by Pliny in the same district. Leake (Asia Minor, p. 223) regards
the ruins in the west of Port Aplotheca as belonging to the ancient town of Loryma.
These ruins are seen on the spur of a hill at the south-western entrance of the
port; the town was long and narrow, running from, west to east; on each of its
long sides there are still visible six or seven square towers, and one large round
one at each end : the round tower at the east end is completely demolished. The
walls are preserved almost to their entire height, and built in the best style,
of large square blocks of limestone. Towards the harbour, in the north, the town
had no gate, and on the south side alone there appear three rather narrow entrances.
In the interior no remains of buildings are discernible, the ground consisting
of the bare rock, whence it is evident that the place was not a town, but only
a fort. Sculptures and inscriptions have not been found either within or outside
the fort, but several tombs with bare stelae, and some ruins, exist in the valley
at the head of the harbour. (Ross, Reisen auf den Griech. Inseln, vol. iv. pp.
46, &c.)
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ΛΥΔΙΑ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Lydia (Ludia Eth. Ludos, Lydus), a country in the western part of Asia Minor.
Its boundaries varied at different times. Originally it was a small kingdom in
the east of the Ionian colonies; but during the period of the Persian dominion
it extended to the south as far as the river Maeander, and, perhaps, even to Mount
Messogis, whence some writers speak of the Carian towns of Aromata, Tralles, Nysa,
and Magnesia on the Maeander, as Lydian towns, and Strabo (xii. p. 577) mentions
the Maeander as the frontier between Lydia and Caria. To the east it extended
as far as the river Lycus, so as to embrace a portion of Phrygia. In the time
of Croesus, the kingdom of Lydia embraced the whole of Asia Minor between the
Aegean and the river Halys, with the exception of Cilicia and Lycia. The limits
of Lydia during the Roman period are more definitely fixed; for it bordered in
the north on Mysia, from which it was separated near the coast by the river Hermus,
and in the inland parts by the range of Mount Temnus; to the east it bordered
on Phrygia, and to the south on Caria, from which it was separated by Mount Messogis.
To the west it was washed by the Aegean (Plin. v. 30; Strab. i. p. 58, ii. p.
130, xii. pp. 572, 577, &c.), whence it is evident that it embraced the modern
province of Sarukhan and the northern part of Sighla. This extent of country,
however, includes also Ionia, or the coast country between the mouth of the Hermus
and that of the Maeander, which was, properly speaking, no part of Lydia.
1. Physical Features of Lydia.
In the southern and western parts Lydia was a mountainous country, being bounded
on the south by the Messogis, and traversed by the range of Tmolus which runs
parallel to it, and includes the valley of the Caystrus. In the western parts
we have, as continuations of Tmolus, Mounts Dracon and Olympus in the north of
which rises Mount Sipylus. The extensive plains and valleys between these heights
are traversed in a western direction by the rivers Caystrus and Hermus and their
numerous tributaries. The whole country was one of the most fertile in the world,
even the sides of the mountains admitting of cultivation; its climate was mild
and healthy, though the country has at all times been visited by severe earthquakes.
(Xenoph. Cyrop. vi. 2. § 21; Strab. i. p. 58.) Its most important productions
were an excellent kind of wine, saffron, and gold. The accounts of the ancients
about the quantity of gold found in Lydia, from which Croesus was believed to
have derived his wealth, are no doubt exaggerated, for in later times the sand
of the river Pactolus contained no gold at all, and the proceeds of the gold mines
of Mount Tmolus were so small as scarcely to pay for the labour of working them.
(Strab. xiii. p. 591.) The plains about the Hermus and Caystrus were the most
fertile parts of the country, if we except the coast districts of Ionia. The most
celebrated of these plains and valleys bore distinct names, as the Cilbianian,
the Ccaystrian, the Hyrcanian; and the Catacecaumene in the north east. Some of
these plains also contained lakes of considerable extent, the most important of
which are the Gyagaea Lacus, on the north of the Hermus, and some smaller ones
in the neighbourhood of Ephesus, which were particularly rich in fish. The capital
of the country at all times was Sardes.
2. Names and Inhabitants of the Country.
In the Homeric poems the names Lycia and Lycians do not occur; but the people
dwelling about Mount Tmolus and Lake Gygaea, that is the country afterwards called
Lydia, bear the name Meones or Maeones (Meones, Il. ii. 865, v. 43, x. 431), and
are allied with the Trojans. The earliest author who mentions the name Lydians
is the lyric poet Mimnermus (Fragm. 14, ed. Bergk), whose native city of Colophon
was conquered by the Lydians. Herodotus (i. 7) states that the people originally
called Meones afterwards adopted the name of Lydians, from Lydus the son of Atys;
and he accordingly regards Lydians and Meonians as the same people. But some of
the ancients, as we learn from Strabo (xii. p. 572, xiv. p. 679), considered them
as two distinct races,--a view which is unquestionably the correct one, and has
been adopted in modern times by Niebuhr and other inquirers. A change of name
like that of Maeonians into Lydians alone suggests the idea of the former people
being either subdued or expelled by the latter. When once the name Lydians had
been established, it was applied indiscriminately to the nation that had been
conquered by them as well as to the conquerors, and hence it happens that later
writers use the name Lydians even when speaking of a time when there were no Lydians
in the country, but only Maeonians. We shall first endeavour to show who the Maeonians
were, and then proceed to the more difficult question about the Lydians and the
time when they conquered the Maeonians. The Maeonians unquestionably belonged
to the Indo-European stock of nations, or that branch of them which is generally
called Tyrrhenian or Pelasgian, for these latter inhabited Lesbos before the Greeks
took possession of those islands (Strab. v. p. 221, [p. 229] xiii. p. 621), and,
according to Menecrates the Elaean, the whole coast of Ionia, beginning from Mycale,
and of Aeolis. (Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. i. p. 32.) They no doubt extended
beyond the coast into the interior of the country. The existence of a Pelasgian
population is probably also implied in the statement, that the most ancient royal
dynasty of Lydia were Heracleidae, and that Lydus was a brother of Tyrrhenus.
The Lydians, on the other hand, are expressly stated to have had nothing in common
with the Pelasgians (Dionys. i. 30), and all we know of them points to more eastern
countries as their original home. It is true that Herodotus connects the Heracleid
dynasty with that of Assyria, but if any value can be attached to this statement
at all, it refers only to the rulers; but it may be as unfounded as his belief
that most of the Greek institutions had been derived from Egypt. The lydians are
described as a kindred people of the Carians and Mysians, and all three are said
to have had one common ancestor as well as one common language and religion. (Herod.
i. 171.) The Carians are the only one of these three nations that are mentioned
by Homer. It is impossible to ascertain what country was originally inhabited
by the Lydians, though it is reasonable to assume that they occupied some district
near the Maeonians; and it is possible that the Phrygians, who are said to have
migrated into Asia from Thrace, may have pressed upon the Lydians, and thus forced
them to make conquests in the country of the Maeonians. The time when these conquests
took place, and when the Maeonians were overpowered or expelled, is conjectured
by Niebuhr (Lect. on Anc. Hist. vol. i. p. 87) to have been the time when the
Heracleid dynasty was supplanted by that of the Mermnadae, who were real Lydians.
This would place the conquest of Maeonia by the Lydians about the year B.C. 720.
The Maeonians, however, after this, still maintained themselves in the country
of the Upper Hermus, which continued to be called Maeonia; whence Ptolemy (v.
2. § 21) speaks of Maeonia as a part of Lydia. Pliny (v. 30) also speaks of the
Maeonii as the inhabitants of a district between Philadelphia and Tralles, and
Hierocles (p. 670) and other ecclesiastical writers mention there a small town
called Maeonia, which Mr. Hamilton (Researches, vol. ii. p. 139, &c.) is inclined
to identify with the ruins of Megne, about five miles west of Sandal. To what
branch of the human family the Lydians belonged is a question which cannot be
answered, any more than that about their original seats; all the Lydian words
which have been transmitted to us are quite foreign to the Greek, and their kinsmen,
the Carians, are described as a people speaking a barbarous language.
3. Institutions and Customs.
Although the Lydians must be regarded as barbarians, and although they were different
from the Greeks both in their language and in their religion, yet they were capable,
like some other Asiatic nations, of adopting or developing institutions resembling
those of the Greeks, though in a lesser degree than the Carians and Lycians, for
the Lydians always lived under a monarchy, and never rose to free political institutions.
They and the Carians were both gifted nations; they cultivated the arts, and were
in many respects little inferior to the Greeks. Previous to their conquest by
the Persians, they were an industrious, brave, and warlike people, and their cavalry
was regarded as the best at that time. (Herod. i. 79; Mimnerm. l. c.) Cyrus purposely
crushed their warlike spirit, forbade them the use of arms, and caused them to
practice dancing and singing, instead of cultivating the arts of war. (Herod.
i. 154; Justin, i. 8.) Their subsequent partiality to music was probably the reason
why the Greeks ascribed to them the invention of gymnastic games. (Herod. i. 94.)
The mode of life thus forced upon them by their conquerors gradually led them
to that degree of effeminacy for which they were afterwards so notorious. Their
commercial industry, however, continued under the Persian rule, and was a source
of great prosperity. (Herod. i. 14, 25, 51, &c.) In their manners the Lydians
differed but little from the Greeks, though their civilisation was inferior, as
is manifest from the fact of their daughters generally gaining their dowries by
public prostitution, without thereby injuring their reputation. (Herod. i. 93.)
The moral character of the Lydian women necessarily suffered from such a custom,
and it cannot be matter of surprise that ancient Greek authors speak of them with
contempt. (Strab. xi. p. 533, xiii. p. 627.) As to the religion of the Lydians
we know very little: their chief divinity appears to have been Cybele, but they
also worshipped Artemis and Bacchus (Athen. xiv. p. 636; Dionys. Perieg. 842),
and the phallus worship seems to have been universal, whence we still find enormous
phalli on nearly all the Lydian tombs. (Hamilton's Researches, vol. 1. p. 145.)
The Lydians are said to have been the first to establish inns for travellers,
and to coin money. (Herod. i. 94.) The Lydian coins display Greek art in its highest
perfection; they have no inscriptions, but are only adorned with the figure of
a lion, which was the talisman of Sardes. We do not know that the Lydians had
any alphabet or literature of their own: the want of these things can scarcely
have been felt, for the people must at an early period have become familiar with
the language and literature of their Greek neighbours.
4. History.
The Greeks possessed several works on the history of Lydia, and one of them was
the production of Xanthus, a native of Sardes, the capital of Lydia; but all have
perished with the exception of a few insignificant fragments. If we had the work
of Xanthus, we should no doubt he well informed on various points on which we
can now only form conjectures. As it is, we owe nearly all our knowledge of Lydian
history to Herodotus. According to him (i. 7) Lydia was successively governed
by three dynasties. The first began with Lydus, the son of Atys, but the number
of its kings is not mentioned. The second dynasty was that of the Heracleidae,
beginning with Agron, and ending with Candaules, whom the Greeks called Myrsilus.
The commencement of the Heracleid dynasty may be dated about B.C. 1200; they are
connected in the legend in Herodotus with the founder of Nineveh, which, according
to Niebuhr, means either that they were actually descended from as Assyrian family,
or that the Heracleid dynasty submitted to the supremacy of the king of Nineveh,
and thus connected itself with the race of Ninus and Belus. The Heracleids maintained
themselves on the throne of Lydia, in unbroken succession, for a period of 505
years. The third dynasty, or that of the Mermnadae, probably the first really
Lydian rulers, commenced their reign, according to some, in B.C. 713 or 716, and
according to Eusebius, twenty-two years later. Gyges, the first king of the Mermnad
dynasty, who is said to have murdered Candaules, is an entirely mythical personage,
at least the story which Herodotus relates about him is nothing but a popular
tradition. He reigned until B.C. 678, and conquered several of the adjacent countries,
such as a great part of Mysia and the shores of the Hellespont, and annexed to
his dominions the cities of Colophon and Magnesia, which had until then been quite
independent of both the Maeonians and the Lydians. Gyges was succeeded by Ardys,
who reigned from B.C. 678 to 629, and, continuing the conquests of his predecessor,
made himself master of Priene. His reign, however, was disturbed by the invasion
of his kingdom by the Cimmerians and Treres. He was succeeded by Sadyattes, of
whom nothing is recorded except that he occupied the throne for a period of twelve
years, from B.C. 629 to 617. His successor Alyattes, from B.C. 617 to 560, expelled
the Cimmerians from Asia Minor, and conquered most of the Ionian cities. In the
east he extended his dominion as far as the river Halys, where he came in contact
with Cyaxares the Mede. His successor Croesus, from B.C. 560 to 546, extended
his conquests so far as to embrace. the whole peninsula of Asia Minor, in which
the Lycians and Cilicians alone successfully resisted him. He governed his vast
dominions with justice and moderation, and his yoke was scarcely felt by the conquered
nations. But as both Lydia, and the Persian monarchy were conquering states, and
separated from each other only by the river Halys, a conflict was unavoidable,
and the kingdom of Lydia was conquered by Cyrus. The detail of these occurrences
is so well known that it does not require to be repeated here. Lydia became annexed
to the Persian empire. We have already noticed the measures adopted by Cyrus to
deprive the Lydians of their warlike character; but as their country was always
considered the most valuable portion of Asia Minor, Darius, in the division of
his empire, made Lydia and some small tribes, apparently of Maeonian origin, together
with the Mysians, the second satrapy, and demanded from it an annual tribute for
the royal treasury of 500 talents. (Herod. iii. 90.) Sardes now became the residence
of a Persian satrap, who seems to have ranked higher than the other governors
of provinces. Afterwards Lydia shared the fate of all the other Asiatic countries,
and more and more lost its nationality, so that in the time of Strabo (xiii. p.
631) even the language of the Lydians had entirely disappeared, the Greek having
taken its place. After the death of Alexander, Lydia was subject for a time to
Antigonus; then to Achaeus, who set himself up as king at Sardes, but was afterwards
conquered and put to death by Antiochus (Polyb. v. 57.) After the defeat of Antiochus
by the Romans, Lydia was annexed by them to the kingdom of Eumenes. (Liv. xxxviii.
39.) At a still later period it formed part of the proconsular province of Asia
(Plin. v. 30) and continued to retain its name through all the vicissitudes of
the Byzantine empire, until finally it fell under the dominion of the Turks.
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ΜΑΓΝΗΣΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
(Eth. Magnes.) A town of Lydia, usually with the addition pros or
hupo Sipuloi (ad Sipylum), to distinguish it from Magnesia on the Maeander in
Ionia situated on the north-western slope of Mount Sipylus on the southern bank
of the river Hermus. We are not informed when or by whom the town was founded,
but it may have been a settlement of the Magnesians in the east of Thessaly. Magnesia
is most celebrated in history for the victory gained under its walls by the two
Scipios in B.C. 190, over Antiochus the Great, whereby the king was for ever driven
from Western Asia. (Strab. xiii. p. 622 Plin ii. 93; Ptol. v. 2. § 16, viii. 17.
§ 16; Scylax, p. 37 Liv. xxxvii. 37, foll.; Tac. Ann. ii. 47.) The town, after
the victory of the Scipios, surrendered to the Romans. (Appian, Syr. 35.) During
the war against Mithridates the Magnesians defended themselves bravely against
the king. (Paus. i. 20. § 3.) In the reign of Tiberius, the town was nearly destroyed
by an earthquake, in which several other Asiatic cities perished; and the emperor
on that occasion granted liberal sums from the treasury to repair the loss sustained
by the inhabitants (Strab. xii. p. 579; xiii. p. 622; Tac. l. c.) From coins and
other sources, we learn that Magnesia continued to flourish down to the fifth
century (Hierocl. p. 660); and it is often mentioned by the Byzantine writers.
During the Turkish rule, it once was the residence of the Sultan; but at present
it is much reduced, though it preserves its ancient name in the corrupt form of
Manissa. The ruins of ancient buildings are not very considerable. (Chandler,
Travels in Asia, ii. p. 332; Keppel, Travels, ii. p. 295.) The accompanying coin
is remarkable by having on its obverse the head of Cicero, though the reason why
it appears here, is unknown. The legend, which is incorrectly figured, should
be, MAPKOS TULLIOS KIKEPON.
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ΜΑΓΝΗΣΙΑ ΕΠΙ ΜΑΙΑΝΔΡΩ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
(Eth. Magnes.) A city in Ionia, generally with the addition pros or
epi Maiandroi (ad Maeandrum), to distinguish it from the Lydian Magnesia, was
a considerable city, situated on the slope of mount Thorax, on the banks of the
small river Lethaeus, a tributary of the Maeander. Its distance from Miletus was
120 stadia or 15 miles. (Strab. xiv. pp. 636, 647; Plin. v. 31.) It was an Aeolian
city, said to have been founded by Magnesians from Europe, in the east of Thessaly,
who were joined by some Cretans. It soon attained great power and prosperity,
so as to be able to cope even with Ephesus (Callinus, ap. Strab. xiv. p. 647.)
At a later time, however, the city was taken and destroyed by the Cimmerians;
perhaps about B.C. 726. In the year following the deserted site was occupied,
and the place rebuilt by the Milesians,or, according to Athenaeus (xii. p. 525),
by the Ephesians. Themistocles during his exile took up his residence at Magnesia,
the town having been assigned to him by Artaxerxes to supply him with bread. (Nepos,
Themist. 10; Diod. xi. 57.) The Persian satraps of Lydia also occasionally resided
in the place. (Herod. i. 161, iii. 122.) The territory of Magnesia was extremely
fertile, and produced excellent wine, figs, and cucumbers (Athen. i. p. 29, ii.
p. 59, iii. p. 78.) The town contained a temple of Dindymene, the mother of the
gods; and the wife of Themistocles, or, according to others, his daughter, was
priestess of that divinity; but, says Strabo, the temple no longer exists, the
town having been transferred to another place. The new town which the geographer
saw, was most remarkable for its temple of Artemis Leucophryene, which in size
and in the number of its treasures was indeed surpassed by the temple of Ephesus,
but in beauty and the harmony of its parts was superior to all the temples in
Asia Minor. The change in the site of the town alluded to by Strabo, is not noticed
by any other author. The temple, as we learn from Vitruvius (vii. Pr?fat.), was
built by the architect Hermogenes, in the Ionic style. In the time of the Romans,
Magnesia was added to the kingdom of Pergamus, after Antiochus had been driven
eastward beyond Mount Taurus. (Liv. xxxvii. 45, xxxviii. 13.) After this time
the town seems to have decayed, and is rarely mentioned, though it is still noticed
by Pliny (v. 31) and Tacitus (Ann. iv. 55). Hierocles ranks it among the bishoprics
of Asia, and later documents seem to imply that at one time it bore the name of
Maeandropolis. (Concil. Constantin. iii. p. 666.) The existence of the town in
the time of the emperors Aurelius and Gallienus is attested by coins.
Formerly the site of Magnesia was identified with the modern Guzel-hissar;
but it is now generally admitted, that Inek-bazar, where ruins of the temple of
Artemis Leucophryene still exist, is the site of the ancient Magnesia. (Leake,
Asia Minor, pp. 242, foll.; Arundell, Seven Churches, pp. 58, foll.; Cramer, Asia
Minor, vol. i. pp. 459, foll.)
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ΜΑΡΑΘΗΣΙΟΝ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Marathesium (Marthesion: Eth. Marathesios an Ionian town on the coast
of Lydia, south of Ephesus, and not far from the frontiers of Caria, whence Stephanus
(s. v.) calls it a town of Caria. (Scylax, p. 37; Plin. H. N. v. 31.) The town
at one time belonged to the Samians; but they made an exchange, and, giving it
up to the Ephesians, received Neapolis in return. (Strab. xiv. p. 639.) Col. Leake
(Asia Minor, p. 261) believes that a few ancient ruins found at a place called
Skalcanova mark the site of Marathesium, though others regard them as remains
of Pygela.
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ΜΑΣΤΑΥΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
A town in the north of Carla, at the foot of Mount Messogis, on the
small river Chrysaoras, between Tralles and Tripolis. (Strab. xiv. p. 650; Plin.
v. 31; Steph. B. s. v.; Hierocl. p. 659.) The town was not of any great repute,
but is interesting from its extant coins, and from the fact that the ancient site
is still marked by a village bearing the name Mastaura, near which a few ancient
remains are found. (Hamilton, Researches, i. p. 531.)
ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
(Metropolis: Eth. Metropolites.) A town in the Caystrian plain in
Lydia, on the road from Smyrna to Ephesus, at a distance of 120 stadia from Ephesus,
and 180 from Smyrna. The district of Metropolis produced excellent wine. (Strab.
xiv. pp. 632, 637; Ptol. v. 2. § 17; Steph. B. s. v.; Plin. v. 31; Hierocl. p.
600.) Near the modern village of Tourbali, no doubt a corruption of the ancient
name Metropolis, some ruins are still seen; and as their distance from Smyrna
and Ephesus agrees with that mentioned by Strabo, there can be no hesitation in
identifying the place. (Comp. Arundell, Seven Churches, p. 22, &c.; Hamilton,
Researches, i. p. 542; Rasche, Lexic. Num. iii. 1, p. 633, &c.)
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ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Metropolis (Metropolis: Eth. Metropolites.). A town in the north of
Phrygia, and, as the name seems to indicate, the capital of the ancient kings
of Phrygia, though Stephanus Byz. (s. v.) derives the name from the mother of
the gods. It was situated to the north of Synnada (Athen. xiii. p. 574.), and
must not be confounded with another town of the same name in the south of Phrygia.
Its site is, in all probability, indicated by the ruins of Pismesh Kalasi, north
of Doganlu, which show a very antique style of architecture, and mainly consist
of tombs cut into the rocks; one of these tombs is that of king Midas. Leake (Asia
Minor, p. 24) is inclined to think that these ruins mark the site of Nicoleia;
but other travellers, apparently with more justice, identify them with Metropolis.
(Franz, Funf Inschriften, p. 42.) From the extent of the ruins, it would seem
that in the time of the Roman emperors Metropolis was an important town; but afterwards
it declined, though it is still mentioned by Hierocles (p. 677.)
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ΜΙΛΗΤΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Miletos: Eth. Milesios, Milesius. Once the most flourishing city of
Ionia, was situated on the northern extremity of the peninsula formed, in the
south-west of the Latmicus Sinus, by Mount Grion. The city stood opposite the
mouth of the Maeander, from which its distance amounted to 80 stadia.
At the time when the Ionian colonies were planted on the coast of
Asia Minor, Miletus already existed as a town, and was inhabited, according to
Herodotus (i. 146), by Carians, while Ephorus (ap. Strab. xiv. p. 634) related
that the original inhabitants had been Leleges, and that afterwards Sarpedon introduced
Cretan settlers. The testimony of Herodotus is born out by the Homeric poems,
in which (Il. ii. 867) Miletus is spoken of as a place of the Carians. That the
place was successively in the hands of different tribes, is intimated also by
the fact mentioned by Pliny (v. 30), that the earlier names of Miletus were Lelegeis,
Pityusa, and Anactoria. (Comp. Paus. vii. 2. § 3; Steph. B. s. v.) On the arrival
of the Ionians, Neleus, their leader, with a band of his followers, took forcible
possession of the town, massacred all the men, and took the women for their wives,-an
event to which certain social customs. regulating the intercourse between the
sexes, were traced by subsequent generations. It appears, however, that Neleus
did not occupy the ancient town itself, but built a new one on a site somewhat
nearer the sea. (Strab. l. c.) Tombs, fortifications, and other remains, attributed
to the ancient Leleges, were shown at Miletus as late as the time of Strabo (xiv.
p. 611; comp. Herod. ix. 97). As in most other colonies the Ionians had amalgamated
with the ancient inhabitants of the country, the Milesians were believed to be
the purest representatives of the Ionians in Asia. Owing to its excellent situation,
and the convenience of four harbours, one of which was capacious enough to contain
a fleet, Miletus soon rose to a great preponderance among the Ionian cities. It
became the most powerful maritime and commercial place; its ships sailed to every
part of the Mediterranean, and even into the Atlantic; but the Milesians turned
their attention principally to the Euxine, on the coasts of which, as well as
elsewhere, they founded upwards of 75 colonies. (Plin. v. 31; Senec. Cons. ad
Helv. 6; Strab. xiv. p. 635; Athen. xii. p. 523.) The most remarkable of these
colonies were Abydos, Lampsacus, and Parium, on the Hellespont; Proconnesus and
Cyzicus on the Propontis ; Sinope and Amisus on the Euxine; while others were
founded in Thrace, the Crimea, and on the Borysthenes. The period during which
Miletus acquired this extraordinary power and prosperity, was that between its
occupation by the Ionians and its conquest by the Persians, B.C. 494.
The history of Miletus, especially the earlier portion of it, is very
obscure. A tyrannis appears to have been established there at an early time; after
the overthrow of this tyrannis, we are told, the city was split into two factions,
one of which seems to have been an oligarchical and the other a democratic party.
(Plut. Quaest. Gr. 32.) The former gained the ascendant, but was obliged to take
extraordinary precautions to preserve it. On another occasion we hear of a struggle
between the wealthy citizens and the commonalty, accompanied with horrible excesses
of cruelty on both sides. (Athen. xii. p. 524.) Herodotus (v. 28) also speaks
of a civil war at Miletus, which lasted for two generations, and reduced the people
to great distress. It was at length terminated by the mediation of the Persians,
who seem to have committed the government to those landowners who had shown the
greatest moderation, or had kept aloof from the contest of the parties. All these
convulsions took place within the period in which Miletus rose to the summit of
her greatness as a maritime state. When the kingdom of Lydia began its career
of conquest, its rulers were naturally attracted by the wealth and prosperity
of Miletus. The first attempts to conquer it were made by Ardys, and then by Sadyattes,
who conquered the Milesians in two engagements. After the death of Sadyattes,
the war was continued by Alyattes, who, however, concluded a peace, because he
was taken ill in consequence, it was believed, of his troops having burnt a temple
of Athena in the territory of Miletus. (Herod i. 17, &c.) At this time the city
was governed by the tyrant Thrasybulus, a friend of Periander of Corinth (Herod.
v. 92), and a crafty politician. Subsequently Miletus seems to have concluded
a treaty with Croesus, whose sovereignty was recognised, and to whom tribute was
paid.
After the conquest of Lydia by the Persians, Miletus entered into
a similar relation to Cyrus as that in which it had stood to Croesus, and was
thereby saved from the calamities inflicted upon other Ionian cities. (Herod.
i. 141, &c.) In the reign of Darius, the Ionians allowed themselves to be prevailed
upon by Histiaeus and his unscrupulous kinsman and successor openly to revolt
against Persia, B.C. 500. Miletus having, in the person of its tyrant, headed
the expedition, had to pay a severe penalty for its rashness. After repeated defeats
in the field, the city was besieged by land and by sea, and finally taken by storm
B.C. 494. The city was plundered and its inhabitants massacred, and the survivors
were transplanted, by order of Darius, to a place called Ampe, near the mouth
of the Tigris. The town itself was given up to the Carians. (Herod. vi. 6, &c.;
Strab. xiv. p. 635.)
The battle of Mycale, in B.C. 479, restored the freedom of Miletus,
which soon after joined the Athenian confederacy. But the days of its greatness
and glory were gone (Thuc. i. 15, 115, &c.); its ancient spirit of liberty, however,
was not, yet extinct, for, towards the end of the Peloponnesian War, Miletus threw
off the yoke imposed upon her by Athens. In a battle fought under the very walls
of their city, the Milesians defeated their opponents, and Phrynichus, the Athenian
admiral, abandoned the enterprise. (Thuc. viii. 25, &c.) Not long after this,
the Milesians demolished a fort which the Persian Tissaphernes was erecting in
their territory, for the purpose of bringing them to subjection. (Thuc. viii.
85.) In B.C. 334, when Alexander, on his Eastern expedition, appeared before Miletus,
the inhabitants, encouraged by the presence of a Persian army and fleet stationed
at Mycale, refused to submit to him. Upon this, Alexander immediately commenced
a vigorous attack upon the wails, and finally took the city by assault. A part
of it was destroyed on that occasion ; but Alexander pardoned the surviving inhabitants,
and granted them their liberty. (Arrian, Anab. i. 18, &c.; Strab. l. c.) After
this time Miletus continued, indeed, to flourish as a commercial place, but was
only a second-rate town. In the war between the Romans and Antiochus, Miletus
sided with the former. (Liv. xxxvii. 16, xliii. 6.) The city continued to enjoy
some degree of prosperity at the time when Strabo wrote, and even as late as the
time of Pliny and Pausanias. (Comp. Tac. Ann. iv. 63, 55.) From the Acts (xx.
17), it appears that St. Paul stayed a few days there, on his return from Macedonia
and Troas. In the Christian times, Ephesus was the see of a bishop, who occupied
the first rank among the bishops of Caria; and in this condition the town remained
for several centuries (Hierocl. p. 687; Mich. Duc. p. 14), until it was destroyed
by the Turks and other barbarians.
Miletus, in its best days, consisted of an inner and an outer city,
each of which had its own fortifications (Arrian l. c.), while its harbours were
protected by the group of the Tragusaean islands in front of which Lade was the
largest. Great and beautiful as the city may have been, we have now no means of
forming any idea of its topography, since its site and its whole territory have
been changed by the deposits of the Maeander into a pestilential swamp, covering
the remains of the ancient city with water and mud. Chandler, and other travellers
not being aware of this change, mistook the ruins of Myus for those of Miletus,
and describe them as such. (Leake, Asia Minor, p. 239.) Great as Miletus was as
a commercial city, it is no less great in the history of Greek literature, being
the birthplace of the philosophers Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes, and of
the historians Cadmus and Hecataeus.
The Milesians, like the rest of the Ionians, were notorious for their
voluptuousness and effeminacy, though, at one time, they must have been brave
and warlike. Their manufactures of couches and other furniture were very celebrated,
and their woollen cloths and carpets were particularly esteemed. (Athen. 1. p.
28, xi. p. 428, xii. 540, 553, xv. 691; Virg. Georg. iii. 306, iv. 335.)
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Ampe (Ampe: Eth. Ampaios), a place where Darius settled the Milesians who were made prisoners at the capture of Miletus, B.C. 494. (Herod. vi. 20.) Herodotus describes the place as on the Erythraean sea (Persian Gulf); he adds that the Tigris flows past it. This description does not enable us to fix the place. It has been supposed to be the Iamba of Ptolemy, and the Ampelone of Pliny (vi. 28), who calls it Colonia Milesiorum. Tzetzes has the name Ampe. (Harduin‘s note on Plin. vi. 28.)
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ΜΥΚΑΛΗ (Ακρωτήρι) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Mycale (Mukale), the westernmost branch of Mt. Mesogis in Lydia; it
forms a high ridge and terminates in a promontory called Trogylium, now cape S.
Maria. It runs out into the sea just opposite the island of Samos, from which
it is separated only by a narrow channel seven stadia in breadth. It was in this
channel, and on the mainland at the foot of Mount Mycale, that the Persians were
defeated, in B.C. 479. It is probable that at the foot of Mount Mycale there was
a town called Mycale or Mycallessus, for Stephanus Byz. (s. v.) and Scylax (p.
37) speak of a town of Mycale in Caria or Lydia. The whole range of Mount Mycale
now bears the name of Samsum. (Hom. Il. ii. 869; Herod. i. 148, vii. 80, ix. 96;
Thuc. i. 14, 89; viii. 79; Diod. ix. 34; Paus. v. 7. § 3, vii. 4. § 1; Strab.
xiii. pp. 621, 629; Ptol. v. 2. § 13; Agathem. p. 3.)
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ΜΥΛΑΣΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Mylassa or Mylasa (ta Mulassa, or Mulasa: Eth. Mulaseus), the most
important town of Caria, was situated in a fertile plain, in the west of the country,
at the foot of a mountain, abounding in beautiful white marble, of which its buildings
and temples were constructed. Hence the city was exceedingly beautiful on account
of its white marble temples and porticoes, and many wondered that so fine a city
was built at the foot of a steep overhanging mountain. The two most splendid temples
in the city were those of Zeus Osogos and Zeus Labrandenus, the latter of which
stood in the neighbouring village of Labranda, on a hill, and was connected with
the city by a road called the sacred, 60 stadia in length, along which the processions
used to go to the temple. The principal citizens of Mylassa were invested with
the office of priests of Zeus for life. The city was very ancient, and is said
to have been the birthplace and residence of the Carian kings before Halicarnassus
was raised to the rank of a capital. Its nearest point on the coast was Physcus,
at a distance of 80 stadia, which was the port of Mylassa; though Stephanus B.
calls Passala its port-town. (Strab. xiv. p. 658, &c.; Aeschyl. Fragm. 48, where
it is called Mylas; Steph. B. s. v. ; Herod. i. 171. Ptol. v. 2. § 20; Plin. v.
29; Paus. viii. 10. § 3.) The splendour of Mylassa is attested by an anecdote
preserved in Athenaeus (viii. p. 348) of the witty musician Stratonicus, who,
on coming to Mylassa, and observing its many temples, but few inhabitants, placed
himself in the middle of the market-place, and exclaimed, Hear me, oh ye temples.
As to the history of this city, we know that Philip of Macedonia, the son of Demetrius,
endeavoured in vain to obtain possession of it; and it was probably to reward
the place for its opposition to him that the Romans, after the war with Antiochus,
declared its citizens free (Polyb. xvi. 24, xxii. 27; Liv. xxxviii. 39). In a
petty war with the neighbouring Euromians, the Mylassans were victorious, and
took some of their towns; but were afterwards compelled to submit to the Rhodians
(Polyb. xxx. 5; Liv. xlv. 25.) In the time of Strabo, the town appears to have
been still flourishing, and two eminent orators, Euthydemus and Hybreas, exercised
considerable influence over their fellowcitizens. Hybreas, however, incurred the
enmity of Labienus, his political adversary, whose pretensions he tried to resist.
But he was obliged to take refuge in Rhodes; whereupon Labienus marched with an
army against Mylassa, and did great damage to the town. (Strab. xiv. p. 660.)
It is mentioned, however, as late as the time of Hierocles. It is generally admitted
that the site of the ancient Mylassa is marked by the modern Melasso or Melassa,
where considerable ancient remains have been observed by travellers. A temple,
erected by the people of Mylassa in honour of Augustus and Roma, considerable
ruins of which had existed until modern times, was destroyed about the middle
of last century by the Turks, who built a new mosque with the materials (Pococke,
Travels, tom. ii. p. 2. c. 6.) Chandler (Asia Minor, p. 234) saw beneath the hill,
on the east side of the town, an arch or gateway of marble, of the Corinthian
order; a broad marble pavement, with vestiges of a theatre; and round the town
ranges of columns, the remains of porticoes. (Comp. Leake, Asia Minor, p. 230;
Fellows, Journal of an Exc. p. 260, Discoveries in Lycia, p. 67, who saw many
ancient remains scattered about the place; Rasche, Lex. Num. iii. 1. p. 999. &c.)
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ΜΥΝΔΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Myndus (Mundos: Eth. Mundiso), a Dorian colony of Troezen, on the
coast of Caria, situated on the northernmost of the three Dorian peninsulas, a
few miles to the northwest of Halicarnassus. It was protected by strong walls,
and had a good harbour. (Paus. ii. 30. § 8; Strab. xiv. p. 658; Arrian, Anab.
i. 20, ii. 5.) But otherwise the place is not of much importance in ancient history.
Both Pliny (v. 29) and Stephanus Byz. (s. v.) mention Palaemyndus as a place close
by Myndus; and this Palaemyndus seems to have been the ancient place of the Carians
which became deserted after the establishment of the Dorian Myndus. (Comp. Strab.
xiii. p. 611). Mela (i. 16) and Pliny (l. c.) also speak of a place called Neapolis
in the same peninsula; and as no other authors mention such a place in that part
of the country, it has been supposed that Myndus (the Dorian colony) and Neapolis
were the same place. But it ought to be remembered that Pliny mentions both Myndus
and Neapolis as two different towns. Myndian ships are mentioned in the expedition
of Anaxagoras against Naxos. (Herod. v. 33.) At a later time, when Alexander besieged
Halicarnassus, he was anxious first to make himself master of Myndus; but when
he attempted to take it by surprise, the Myndians, with the aid of reinforcements
from Halicarnassus repulsed him with some loss. (Arrian, l. c.; comp. Hecat. Fragm.
229; Polyb. xvi. 15, 21; Scylax, p. 38; Ptol. v. 2. § 9; Liv. xxxvii. 15; Hierocl.
p. 687.) Athenaeus (i. 32) states that the wine grown in the district of Myndus
was good for digestion. It is generally believed that Mentesha or Muntesha marks
the site of Myndus; but Col. Leake (Asia Minor, p. 228) identifies Myndus with
the small sheltered port of Gumishlu, where Captain Beaufort remarked the remains
of an ancient pier at the entrance of the port, and some ruins at the head of
the bay. (Comp. Rasche, Lex. Num. iii. 1. p. 1002, &c.; Eckhel, Doctr. Num. vol.
ii. pt. i. p. 585.) Ptolemy (v. 2. § 30) mentions a small island called Myndus
in the Icarian Sea.
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ΜΥΟΥΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Myus (Muous: Eth. Muousios), an Ionian town in Caria, on the southern
bank of the Maeander, at a distance of 30 stadia from the mouth of that river.
Its foundation was ascribed to Cydrelus, a natural son of Codrus. (Strab. xiv.
p. 633.) It was the smallest among the twelve Ionian cities, and in the days of
Strabo (xiv. p. 636) the population was so reduced that they did not form a political
community, but became incorporated with Miletus, whither in the end the Myusians
transferred themselves, abandoning their own town altogether. This last event
happened, according to Pausanias (vii. 2. § 7), on account of the great number
of flies which annoyed the inhabitants; but it was more probably on account of
the frequent inundations to which the place was exposed. (Vitruv. iv. 1.) Myus
was one of the three towns given to Themistocles by the Persian king (Thucyd.
i. 138; Diod. Sic. xi. 57; Plut. Them. 29; Athen. i. p. 29; Nep. Them. 10.) During
the Peloponnesian War the Athenians experienced a check near this place from the
Carians. (Thucyd. iii. 19.) Philip of Macedonia, who had obtained possession of
Myus, ceded it to the Magnesians. Athen. iii. p. 78.) The only edifice noticed
by the ancients at Myus was a temple of Dionysus, built of white marble. (Paus.
l.c.) The mmense quantity of deposits carried down by the Maeander have considerably
removed the coast-line, so that even in Strabo's time the distance between Myus
and the sea was increased to 40 stadia (xii. p. 579), while originally the town
had no doubt been built on the coast itself. There still are some ruins of Myus,
which most travellers, forgetting the changes wrought by the Maeander, have mistaken
for those of Miletus, while those of Heracleia have been mistaken for those of
Myus. (Comp. Leake, Asia Minor, p. 239, &c.) The mistake is repeated by Sir C.
Fellows (Journal of a Tour in As. Min. p. 263), though it had been pointed out
long before his time.
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ΜΥΡΙΝΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Myrina (Murina: Eth. Murinaios), one of the Aeolian cities on the
western coast of Mysia, about 40 stadia to the south-west of Gryneium. (Herod.
i. 149.) It is said to have been founded by one Myrinus before the other Aeolian
cities (Mela, i. 18), or by the Amazon Myrina (Strab. xi. p. 505, xii. p. 573,
xiii. p. 623; Diod. iii. 54). Artaxerxes gave Gryneium and Myrina to Gongylus,
an Eretrian, who had been banished from his native city for favouring the interests
of Persia. (Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 1. § 4.) Myrina was a very strong place (Liv.
xxxiii. 30), though not very large, and had a good harbour. (Scylax, p. 36; Agath.
Praef. p. 9, ed. Bonn.) Pliny (v. 32) mentions that it bore the surname of Sebastopolis;
while, according to Syncellus, it was also called Smyrna. For some time Myrina
was occupied by Philip of Macedonia; but the Romans compelled him to evacuate
it, and declared the place free. (Liv. l. c,; Polyb. xviii. 27.) It was twice
visited by severe earthquakes; first in the reign of Tiberius (Tac. Ann. ii. 47),
on which occasion it received a remission of duties on account of the loss it
had sustained; and a second time in the reign of Trajan (Oros. vii. 12). The town
was restored each time, and continued to exist until a late period. (Steph. Byz.
s. v.; Ptol. v. 2. § 6; Apollon. Rhod. i. 604; Hierocl. p. 661; Geogr. Ray. v.
9, where it is called Myrenna, while in the Pent. Tab. it bears the name Marinna.)
Its site is believed to be occupied by the modern Sandarlik.
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ΝΕΟΝ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Neonteichos (Neon teichos), an Aeolian town not far from the coast
of Mysia, situated between the Hermus and the town of Larissa, from which its
distance was only 30 stadia. It is said to have been founded by the Aeolians,
as a temporary fort on their first arrival in Asia. According to Strabo (xiii.
p. 621), the place was more ancient even than Cyme; but according to a statement
in the Vita Homeri (c. 10), it was built eight years later than Cyme, as a protection
against the Pelasgians of Larissa. (Plin. v. 32; Herod. i. 149; Scyl. p. 28; Steph.
B. s. v.) Remains of this town, says Cramer, ought to be sought for on the right
bank of the Hermus, and above Quisel-Hissar, on the road from Smyrna to Bergamah.
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ΝΥΣΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Nysa or Nyssa (Nusa or Nussa), is said to have been the name of the
place in which the god Dionysus was born, whence it was transferred to a great
many towns in all parts of the world which were distinguished for the cultivation
of the vine.
I. In Asia. 1. A town in Caria, on the southern slope of mount Messogis,
on the north of the Maeander, and about midway between Tralles and Antioch. The
mountain torrent Eudon, a tributary of the Maeander, flowed through the middle
of the town by a deep ravine spanned by a bridge, connecting the two parts of
the town. (Strab. xiv. p. 650; Horn. hymn. iv. 17; Plin. v. 29; Ptol. v. 2. §
18; Hierocl. p. 659; Steph. Byz. s. v.) Tradition assigned the foundation of the
place to three brothers, Athymbrus, Athymbradus, and Hydrelus, who emigrated from
Sparta, and founded three towns on the north of the Maeander; but in the course
of time Nysa absorbed them all; the Nysaeans, however, recognise more especially
Athymbrus as their founder. (Steph. B. s. v. Athumbra; Strab. l. c.) The town
derived its name of Nysa from Nysa, one of the wives of Antiochus, the son of
Seleucus (Steph. B. s. v. Antiocheia), having previously been called Athymbra
(Steph. B. s. v. Athumbra) and Pythopolis (Steph. B. s. v. Puthopolis).
Nysa appears to have been distinguished for its cultivation of literature,
for Strabo mentions several eminent philosophers and rhetoricians; and the geographer
himself, when a youth, attended the lectures of Aristodemus, a disciple of Panaetius;
another Aristodemus of Nysa, a cousin of the former, had been the instructor of
Pompey. (Strab. l. c.; Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 6. 4) Hierocles classes Nysa among the
sees of Asia, and its bishops are mentioned in the Councils of Ephesus and Constantinople.
The coins of Nysa are very numerous, and exhibit a series of Roman emperors from
Augustus to Galllienus. The site of Nysa has been recognised by Chandler and other
travellers at Sultan-hissar, above the plain of the Maeander, on a spot much resembling
that described by Strabo; who also mentions a theatre, a forum, a gymnasium for
youths, and another for men. Remains of a theatre, with many rows of seats almost
entire, as well as of an amphitheatre, gymnasium, &c., were seen by Chandler.
(Leake, Asia Minor, p. 248; Fellows, Discover. pp. 22, foil.; Hamilton, Researches,
i. p. 534.) The country round Nysa is described as bearing evidence of the existence
of subterraneous fires, either by exhalations and vapours, or by its hot mineral
springs.
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ΟΡΘΩΣΙΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
A town of Caria, not far from Aatbanda, on the left bank of the Maeander,
and apparently on or near a hill of the same name (Strab. xiv. p. 650; Plin. xxxvii.
25). Near this town the Rhodians gained a victory over the Carians (Polyb. xxx.
5; Liv. xlv. 25; corp. Ptol. v. 2. § 19; Plin. v. 29, xxxvii. 9, 25; Hierocl.
688). The ancient remains near Karpusli probably mark the site of Orthosia (Leake,
Asia Minor, p. 234); though others, regarding them as belonging to Alabanda, identify
it with Dsheni-sheer.
ΠΑΚΤΩΛΟΣ (Ποταμός) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Pactolus (Paktolos), a small river of Lydia, which flows down from Mount Tmolus
in a northern direction, and, after passing on the west of Sardis, empties itself
into the Hermus. (Herod. v. 101; Xenoph. Cyrop. vi. 2. § 1, vii. 3. § 4, Ages.
i. 30; Strab. xii. pp. 554, 521, xiii. p. 625, foll.; Ptol. v. 2. § 6; Plin. v.
30.) In ancient times the Pactolus had carried in its mud, it is said, a great
quantity of small particles of gold-dust, which were carefully collected, and
were believed to have been the source of the immense wealth possessed by Croesus
and his ancestors; but in Strabo's time gold-dust was no longer found in it. The
gold of this river, which was hence called Chrysorrhoas, is often spoken of by
the poets. (Soph. Phil. 392; Dionys. Perieg. 831; Hom. Hymn. in Del. 249; Virg.
Aen. x. 142 ; Horat. Epod. xv. 20; Ov. Met. xi. 85, &c.; Senec. Phoen. 604; Juven.
xiv. 298; Silius It. i. 158.) The little stream, which is only 10 feet in breadth
and scarcely 1 foot deep, still carries along with it a quantity of a reddish
mud, and is now called Sarabat.
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ΠΑΝΙΩΝΙΟΝ (Αρχαίο ιερό) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Panionium (Panionion), a place on the western slope of Mount Mycale,
in the territory of Priene, containing the common national sanctuary of Poseidon,
at which the Ionians held their regular meetings, from which circumstance the
place derived its name. It was situated at a distance of 3 stadia from the sea-coast.
(Strab. xiv. p. 639; Herod. i. 141, foll.; Mela, i. 17; Plin. v. 31; Paus. vii.
5. § 1.) The Panionium was properly speaking only a grove, with such buildings
as were necessary to accommodate strangers. Stephanus B. is the only writer who
calls it a town, and even mentions the Ethnic designation of its citizens. The
preparations for the meeting and the management of the games devolved upon the
inhabitants of Priene. The earlier travellers and geographers looked for the site
of the Panionium in some place near the modern village of Tshangli; but Col. Leake
(Asia Minor, p. 260) observes: The uninhabitable aspect of the rocks and forests
of Mycale, from Cape Trogilium to the modern Tshangli, is such as to make it impossible
to fix upon any spot, either on the face or at the foot of that mountain, at which
Panionium can well be supposed to have stood. Tshangli, on the, other hand, situated
in a delightful and well watered valley, was admirably suited to the Panionian
festival: and here Sir William Gell found, in a church on the sea-shore, an inscription
in which he distinguished the name of Panionium twice. I conceive, therefore,
that there can be little doubt of Tshangli being on the site of Panionium.
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ΠΕΡΑΙΑ (Αρχαία χώρα) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Peraea (Peraia), the name of several districts lying beyond (peran) a river or
on the other side of a sea. (He ton Hpodion peraia, xxxiii. 18; chora he ton Hpodion
he en te epeirho, Scylax, p. 38), a portion of the S. coast of Caria, opposite
to Rhodes, and subject to it. It commenced at Mt. Phoenix, and extended as far
as the frontiers of Lycia. (Strab. l. c.) The peninsula containing Mt. Phoenix
was called the Rhodian Chersonesus. (Plin. xxxi. 2, 20; Diod. v. 60, 62.) For
a description of this district, which is very beautiful and fertile, see Vol.
I. pp. 519., b, 520, a.
ΠΕΡΓΑΜΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Pergamon: Eth. Pergamenos, Pergamenus. Sometimes also called Pergamus
(Ptol. v. 2. § 14, viii. 17. § 10; Steph. B. s. v.), an ancient city, in a most
beautiful district of Teuthrania in Mysia, on the north of the river Caicus. Near
the point where Pergamum was situated, two other rivers, the Selinus and Cetius,
emptied them-selves into the Caicus; the Selinus flowed through the city itself,
while the Cetius washed its walls. (Strab. xiii. p. 619; Plin. v. 33; Paus. vi.
16. § 1; Liv. xxxvii. 18.) Its distance from the sea was 120 stadia, but communication
with the sea was effected by the navigable river Caicus. Pergamum, which is first
mentioned by Xenophon (Anab. vii. 8. § 8) was originally a fortress of considerable
natural strength, being situated on the summit of a conical hill, round the foot
of which there were at that time no houses. Subsequently, however, a city arose
at the foot of the hill, and the latter then became the acropolis. We have no
information as to the foundation of the original town on the hill, but the Pergamenians
believed themselves to be the descendants of Arcadians, who had migrated to Asia
under the leadership of the Heracleid Telephus (Paus. i. 4. § 5); they derived
the name of their town from Pergamus, a son of Pyrrhus, who was believed to have
arrived there with his mother Andromache and, after a successful combat with Arius,
the ruler of Teuthrania, to have established himself there. (Paus. i. 11. § 2.)
Another tradition stated that Asclepius, with a colony from Epidaurus, proceeded
to Pergamum; at all events, the place seems to have been inhabited by many Greeks
at the time when Xenophon visited it. Still, however, Pergamum remained a place
of not much importance until the time of Lysimachus, one of the generals of Alexander
the Great. This Lysimachus chose Pergamum as a place of security for the reception
and preservation of his treasures, which amounted to 9000 talents. The care and
superintendence of this treat sure was intrusted to Philetaerus of Tium, an eunuch
from his infancy, and a person in whom Lysimachus placed the greatest confidence.
For a time Philetaerus answered the expectations of Lysimachus, but having been
ill-treated by Arsinoe, the wife of his master, he withdrew his allegiance and
declared himself independent, B.C. 283. As Lysimachus was prevented by domestic
calamities from punishing the offender, Philetaerus remained in, undisturbed possession
of the town and treasures for twenty years contriving by dexterous management
to maintain, peace with his neighbours. He transmitted his principality to a nephew
of the name of Eumenes, who increased the territory he had inherited, and even
gained a victory over Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, in the neighbourhood of
Sardes. After a reign of twenty-two years, from B.C. 263 to 241, he was succeeded
by his cousin Attalus, who, after a great victory over the Galatians, assumed
the title of king, and distinguished himself by his talents and sound policy.
(Strab. xiii. pp. 623, 624; Polyb. xviii. 24; Liv. xxxiii. 21.) He espoused the
interests of Rome against Philip of Macedonia, and in conjunction with the Rhodian
fleet rendered important services to the Romans. It was mainly this Attalus that
amassed the wealth for which his name became proverbial. He died at an advanced
age, irs B.C. 197, and was succeeded by his son Eumenes II., from B.C. 19.7 to
159. le continued his friendship with the Romans, and assisted them against Antiochus
the Great and Perseus of Macedonia; after the defeat of Antiochus, the Romans
rewarded his services by giving to him all the countries in Asia Minor west of
Mount Taurus. Pergamum, the territory of which had hitherto not extended beyond
the gulfs of Elaea and Adramyttium, now became a large and powerful kingdom. (Strab.
l. c.; Lie. xxxviii. 39.). Eumenes 1111. as nearly killed al; [p. 576] Delphi
by assassins said to have been hired by Perseus; yet at a later period he favoured
the cause of the Macedonian king, and thereby incurred the ill--will of the Romans.
Pergamum was mainly indebted to Eumenes II. for its embellishment and extension.
He was a liberal patron of the arts and sciences; he decorated the temple of Zeus
Nicephorus, which had been built by Attalus outside the city, with walks a.nd
plantations, and erected himself many other public buildings; but the greatest
monument of his liberality was the great library which he founded, and which yielded
only to that of Alexandria in extent and value. (Strab. l. c.; Athen. i. p. 3.)
He was succeeded by his son Attains II.; but the government was carried on by
the late king's brother Attalus, surnamed Philadelphus, from B.C. 159 to 138.
During this period the Pergamenians again assisted the Romans against the Pseudo-Philip.
Attalus also defeated Diegylis, king of the Thracian Caeni, and overthrew Prusias
of Bithynia. On his death, his ward and nephew, Attalus III., surnamed Philometor,
undertook the reins of government, from B.C. 138 to 133, and on his death bequeathed
his kingdom to the Romans. Soon after, Aristonicus, a natural son of Eumenes II.,
revolted and claimed the kingdom of Pergamum for himself; but in B.C. 130 he was
vanquished and taken prisoner, and the kingdom of Pergamum became a Roman province
under the name of Asia. (Strab. l. c., xiv. p. 646.) The city of Pergamum, however,
continued to flourish and prosper under the Roman dominion, so that Pliny could
still call it longe clarissimum Asiae Pergamum; it remained the centre of jurisdiction
for the district, and of commerce, as all the main-roads of Western Asia converged
there. Pergamum was one of the Seven Churches mentioned in the book of Revelations.
Under the Byzantine emperors the greatness and prosperity of the city declined;
but it still exists under the name of Bergamah, and presents to the visitor numerous
ruins and extensive remains of its ancient magnificence. A wall facing the south-east
of the acropolis, of hewn granite, is at least 100 feet deep, and engrafted into
the rock; above it a course of large substructions forms a spacious area, upon
which once rose a temple unrivalled in sublimity of situation, being visible from
the vast plain and the Aegean sea. The ruins of this temple show that it was built
in the noblest style. Besides this there are ruins of an ancient temple of Aesculapius,
which, like the Nicephorion, was outside the city (Tac. Ann. iii. 63; Paus. v.
13. § 2); of a royal palace, which was surrounded by a wall, and connected with
the Caicus by an aqueduct; of a prytaneum, a theatre, a gymnasium, a stadium,
an amphitheatre, and other: public buildings. All these remains attest the unusual
splendour of the ancient city, and all travellers speak with admiration of their
stupendous greatness. The numerous coins which we possess of Pergamum attest that
Olympia were celebrated there; a vase found there represents a torch-race on horseback;
and Pliny (x. 25) relates that public cock-fights took place there every year.
Pergamum was celebrated for its manufacture of ointments (Athen. xv. p. 689),
pottery (Plin. xxxv. 46), and parchment, which derives its name (charta Pergamena)
from the city. The library of Pergamum, which is said to have consisted of no
less than 200,000 volumes, was given by Antony to Cleopatra.m was celebrated for
its manufacture of ointments (Athen. xv. p. 689), pottery (Plin. xxxv. 46), and
parchment, which derives its name (charta Pergamena) from the city. The library
of Pergamum, which is said to have consisted of no less than 200,000 volumes,
was given by Antony to Cleopatra.
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ΠΙΝΑΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Pinapa (ta Pinapa: Eth. Pinareus). 1. A large city of Lycia, at the
foot of Mount Cragus, and not far from the western bank of the river Xanthus,
where the Lycian hero Pandarus was worshipped. (Strab. xiv. 665; Steph. B. s.
v.; Arrian, Anab. i. 24; Plin. v. 28; Ptol. v. 3. § 5; Hierocl. p. 684.) This
city, though it is not often mentioned by ancient writers, appears, from its vast
and beautiful ruins, to have been, as Strabo asserts, one of the largest towns
of the country. According to the Lycian history of Menecrates, quoted by Stephanus
Byz. (s. v. Artumnesos), the town was a colony of Xanthus, and originally bore
the name of Artymnesus, afterwards changed into Pinara, which, in the Lycian language,
signified a round hill, the town being situated on such an eminence. Its ruins
were discovered by Sir Charles Fellows, near the modern village of Minara. From
amidst the ancient city, he says (Lycia, p. 139), rises a singular round rocky
cliff (the pinara of the Lycians), literally specked all over with tombs. Beneath
this cliff lie the ruins of the extensive and splendid city. The theatre is in
a very perfect state; all the seats are remaining, with the slanting sides towards
the proscenium, as well as several of its doorways. The walls and several of the
buildings are of the Cyclopian style, with massive gateways, formed of three immense
stones. The tombs are innumerable, and the inscriptions are in the Lycian characters,
but Greek also occurs often on the same tombs. Some of these rock-tombs are adorned
with fine and rich sculptures.
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ΠΙΤΑΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Pitane (Pitane: Eth. Pitanaios), an ancient city on the coast of Aeolis
in Asia Minor, was situated near the mouth of the river Evenus on the bay of Elaea.
It was one of the eleven ancient Aeolian settlements, and possessed considerable
commercial advantages in having two harbours. (Herod. i. 149; Scylax, p. 37; Strab.
xiii. pp. 581, 607, 614.) It was the birthplace of the academic philosopher Arcesilaus,
and in the reign of Titus it suffered severely from an earthquake. (Oros. vii.
12; comp. Ptol. v. 2. § 5; Steph. B. s. v.; Plin. v. 32, xxxv. 49; Ov. Met. vii.
357) The town is still mentioned in Hierocles, and its site is universally identified
with the modern Tchandeli or Sanderli. Pliny (l. c.) mentions in its vicinity
a river Canaius, which is not noticed by any other writer; but it may possibly
be the river Pitanes, spoken of by Ptolemy (iii. 2. § 3), and which seems to derive
its name from the town of Pitane.
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ΠΟΛΥΒΟΤΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Polybotus (Polubotos), a place in the west of Phrygia Major, a little
to the south-east of Synnada, is mentioned only by Hierocles (p. 677) and a few
Byzantine writers (Procop. Hist. Arc. 18; Anna Comnen. p. 324; Concil. Nicaen.
ii. p. 358), who, however, do not give the name correctly, but call it Polybatus
or Polygotus. Col. Leake (Asia Min. p. 53) identifies the site of Polybotus with
the modern Bulwudun, which he regards as only a Turkish corruption of the ancient
name.
ΠΡΙΗΝΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Priene (Priene: Eth. Prieneus, Prienios), an Ionian city, near the
coast of Caria, on the southeastern slope of Mount Mycale, and on a little river
called Gaeson, or Gaesus. It had originally been situated on the sea-coast, and
had two ports, one of which could be closed (Scylax, p. 37), and a small fleet
(Herod. vi. 6); but at the time when Strabo wrote (xii. p. 579) it was at a distance
of 40 stadia from the sea, in consequence of the great alluvial deposits of the
Maeander at its mouth. It was believed to have been originally founded by Aepytus,
a son of Neleus, but received afterwards additional colonists under a Boeotian
Philotas, whence it was by some called Cadme. (Strab. xiv. pp. 633, 636; Paus.
vii. 2. § 7; Eustath. ad Dionys. 825; Diog. Laert. i. 5. 2.) But notwithstanding
this admixture of Boeotians, Priene was one of the twelve Ionian cities (Herod.
i. 142; Aelian, V. H. viii. 5; Vitruv. iv. 1), and took a prominent part in the
religious solemnities at the Panionia. (Strab. xiv. p. 639.) It was the native
place of the philosopher Bias, one of the seven sages. The following are the chief
circumstances known of its history. It was conquered by the Lydian king Ardys
(Herod. i. 15), and when Croesus was overpowered by Cyrus, Priene also was forced
with the other Greek towns to submit to the Persians. (Herod. i. 142.) It seems
to have been during this period that Priene was very ill-used by a Persian Tabules
and Hiero, one of its own citizens. (Paus. l. c.) After this the town, which seems
to have more and more lost its importance, was a subject of contention between
the Milesians and Samians, when the former, on being defeated, applied for assistance
to Athena (Thucyd. i. 115.) The town contained a temple of Athena, with a very
ancient statue of the goddess. (Paus. vii. 5. § 3; comp. Polyb. xxxiii. 12; Plin.
v. 31.) There still exist very beautiful remains of Priene near the Turkish village
of Samsoon; its site is described by Chandler (Travels, p. 200, &c.) as follows:
It was seated on the side of the mountain, flat beneath flat, in gradation to
the edge of the plain. The areas are levelled, and the communication is preserved
by steps out in the slopes. The whole circuit of the wall of the city is standing,
besides several portions within it worthy of admiration for their solidity and
beauty. Among these remains of the interior are the ruins of the temple of Athens,
which are figured in the Ionian Antiquities, p. 13, &c. (Comp. Leake, Asia Minor,
pp. 239, 352; Fellows, Asia Min. p. 268, &c.; Rasche, Lex. Num. iv. 1. p. 55;
Eckhel, Doctr. Rei Num. vol. ii. p. 536.)
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ΠΥΓΕΛΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
or Phygela (Pugela, Phugela: Eth. Pugeleus), a small town on the coast
of the Caystrian bay, a little to the south of Ephesus, was said to have been
founded by Agamemnon, and to have been peopled with the remnants of his army;
it contained a temple of Artemis Munychia. (Xenoph. Hellen. i. 2. § 2; Strab.
xiv. p. 639; Steph. B. s. v. Harpocrat. s. v.; Plin. v. 31; Scylax. p. 37; Pomp.
Mela, i. 17; Liv. xxxvii. 1.) Dioscorides (v. 12) commends the wine of this town,
which is still celebrated. Chandler (Travels, p. 176) observed its remains on
a hill between Ephesus and Scala Nova, (Comp. Leake, Asia Minor, p. 261.)
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ΣΑΡΔΕΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Sardeis or Sardis: Eth. Sardianos. The ancient capital of the kingdom
of Lydia, was situated at the northern foot of Mount Tmolus, in a fertile plain
between this mountain and the river Hermus, from which it was about 20 stadia
distant. (Arrian, Anab. i. 17.) The small river Pactolus, a tributary of the Hermus,
flowed through the agora of Sardes. (Herod. v. 101.) This city was of more recent
origin, as Strabo (xiii. p. 625) remarks, than the Trojan times, but was nevertheless
very ancient, and had a very strong acropolis on a precipitous height. The town
is first mentioned by Aeschylus (Pers. 45); and Herodotus (i. 84) relates that
it was fortified by a king Meles, who, according to the Chronicle of Eusebius,
preceded Candaules. The city itself was, at least at first, built in a rude manner,
and the houses were covered with dry reeds, in consequence of which it was repeatedly
destroyed by fire; but the acropolis, which some of the ancient geographers identified
with the Homeric Hyde (Strab. xiii. p. 626; comp. Plin. v. 30; Eustath. ad Dion.
Per. 830), was built upon an almost inaccessible rock, and surrounded with a triple
wall. In the reign of Ardys, Sardes was taken by the Cimmerians, but they were
unable to gain possession of the citadel. The city attained its greatest prosperity
in the reign of the last Lydian king, Croesus. After the overthrow of the Lydian
monarchy, Sardes became the residence of the Persian satraps of Western Asia.
(Herod. v 25; Pans. iii. 9. § 3.) On the revolt of the Ionians, excited by Aristagoras
and Histiaeus, the Ionians, assisted by an Athenian force, took Sardes, except
the citadel, which was defended by Artaphernes and a numerous garrison. The city
then was accidentally set on fire, and burnt to the ground, as the buildings were
constructed of easily combustible materials. After this event the Ionians and
Athenians withdrew, but Sardes was rebuilt; and the indignation of the king of
Persia, excited by this attack on one of his principal cities, determined him
to wage war against Athens. Xerxes spent at Sardes the winter preceding his expedition
against Greece, and it was there that Cyrus the younger assembled his forces when
about to march against his brother Artaxerxes. (Xenoph. Anab. i. 2. § 5.) When
Alexander the Great arrived in Asia, and had gained the battle of the Granicus,
Sardes surrendered to him without resistance, for which he rewarded its inhabitants
by restoring to them their freedom and their ancient laws and institutions. (Arrian,
i. 17.) After the death of Alexander, Sardes came into the possession of Antigonus,
and after his defeat at Ipsus into that of the Seleucidae of Syria. But on the
murder of Seleucus Ceraunus, Achaeus set himself up as king of that portion of
Asia Minor, and made Sardes his residence. (Polyb. iv. 48, v. 57.) Antiochus the
Great besieged the usurper in his capital for a whole year, until at length Lagoras,
a Cretan, scaled the ramparts at a point where they were not guarded. On this
occasion, again, a great part of the city was destroyed. (Polyb. vii. 15, &c.
viii. 23.) When Antiochus was defeated by the Romans in the battle of Magnesia,
Sardes passed into the hands of the Romans. In the reign of Tiberius the city
was reduced to a heap of ruins by an earthquake; but the emperor ordered its restoration.
(Tac. Ann. ii. 47; Strab. xiii. p. 627.) In the book of Revelation (iii. 1, &c.),
Sardes is named as one of the Seven Churches, whence it is clear that at that
time its inhabitants had adopted Christianity. From Pliny (v. 30) we learn that
Sardes was the capital of a conventus: during the first centuries of the Christian
era we hear of more than one council held there; and it continued to be a wealthy
city down to the end of the Byzantine empire. (Eunap. p. 154; Hierocl. p. 669.)
The Turks took possession of it in the 11th century, and two centuries later it
was almost entirely destroyed by Tamerlane. (Anna Comn. p. 323; M. Ducas, p. 39.)
Sardes is now little more than a village, still bearing the name of Sart, which
is situated in the midst of the ruins of the ancient city. These ruins, though
extending over a large space, are not of any great consequence; they consist of
the remains of a stadium, a theatre, and the triple walls of the acropolis, with
lofty towers.
The fertile plain of Sardes bore the name of Sardiene or Sardianon
pedion, and near the city was the celebrated tomb of Alyattes. Sardes was believed
to be the native place of the Spartan poet Alcman, and it is well known that the
two rhetoricians Diodorus and the historian Eunapius were natives of Sardes.
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Tarne is mentioned by Homer (Il. v. 44), and after him by Strabo (ix. p. 413), as a town in Asia Minor; but Pliny (v. 30) knows Tarne only as a fountain of Mount Tmolus in Lydia.
ΣΕΒΑΣΤΗ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Sebaste. A town in a small island off the coast of Cilicia, built
by Archelaus king of Cappadocia, to whom the Romans had given Cilicia Aspera.
(Strab. xiv. p. 671.) It seems to have received its name Sebaste in honour of
Augustus; for, until his time, both the island and the town were called Eleusa,
Elaeusa, or Elaeussa (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 4. § 6, Bell. i. 23. § 4; comp. Ptol.
v. 8. § 4; Hierocl. p. 704; Stadiasm. Mar. Magn. § 172, where it is called Eleous;
Steph. B. s. vv. Sebaste and Elaioussa), a name which Pliny (v. 22) still applies
to the town, though he erroneously places it in the interior of Caria. Stephanus,
in one of the passages above referred to, calls Sebaste or Elaeussa an island,
and in the other a peninsula, which may be accounted for by the fact that the
narrow channel between the island and the mainland was at an early period filled
up with sand, as it is at the present,-for the place no longer exists as an island.
Sebaste was situated between Corycus and the mouth of the river Lamus, from which
it was only a few miles distant. Some interesting remains of the town of Sebaste
still exist on the peninsula near Ayash, consisting of a temple of the composite
order, which appears to have been overthrown by an earthquake, a theatre, and
three aqueducts, one of which conveyed water into the town from a considerable
distance. (Comp. Beaufort, Karamania, p. 250, foll.; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 213.)
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ΣΙΔΟΥΣΣΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΙΩΝΙΑ
Sidussa (Sidoussa), a small town of Ionia, belonging to the territory
of Erythrae. (Thucyd. viii. 24; Steph. B. s. v.) Pliny (v. 38) erroneously describes
it as an island off the coast of Erythrae. It is probable that the place also
bore the name of Sidus (Sidous), as Stephanus B. (s. v.) mentions a town of this
name in the territory of Erythrae.
ΣΙΔΥΜΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ
Sidyma (Siduma: Eth. Sidumeus), a town of Lycia, on the southern slope
of Mount Cragus, to the north-west of the mouth of the Xanthus. (Plin. v. 28;
Steph. B. s. v.; Ptol. v. 3. § 5; Hierocles, p. 684; Cedrenus, p. 344.) The ruins
of this city, on a lofty height of Mount Cragus, have first been discovered and
described by Sir C. Fellows. (Lycia, p. 151, foll.) They are at the village of
Tortoorcar Hissa, and consist chiefly of splendidly built tombs, abounding in
Greek inscriptions. The town itself appears to have been very small, and the theatre,
agora, and temples, are of diminutive size, but of great beauty.
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ΣΙΠΥΛΟΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΛΥΔΙΑ
Sipylus (Sipulos), a mountain of Lydia between the river Hermus and
the town of Smyrna; it is a branch of Mount Tmolus, running in a northwestern
direction along the Hermus. It is a rugged, much torn mountain, which seems to
owe its present form to violent convulsions of the earth. The mountain is mentioned
even in the Iliad, and was rich in metal. (Hom. Il. xxiv. 615; Strab. i. p. 58,
xii. p. 579, xiv. p. 680.) On the eastern slope of the mountain, there once existed,
according to tradition, an ancient city, called Tantalis, afterwards Sipylus,
the capital of the Maeonians, which was believed to have been swallowed up by
an earthquake, and plunged into a crater, afterwards filled by a lake, which bore
the name of Sale or Saloe (Strab. i. p. 58, xii. p. 579; Steph. B. s. v.; Plin.
v. 31; Paus. vii. 24. § 7). Pliny relates that the spot once occupied by Sipylus
was successively occupied by other towns, which he calls Archaeopolis, Colpe and
Lebade. Pausanias (v. 13. § 4) calls the lake the marsh of Tantalus, and adds
that his tomb was conspicuous near it, and that the throne of Pelops was shown
on the summit of the mountain above the temple of (Cybele) Plastene. The tops
of the houses of Sipylus were believed to have been seen under the water for some
time after (Paus. vii. 24. § 7); and some modern travellers, mistaking the ruins
of old Smyrna for those of Sipylus, imagine that they have discovered both the
remains of Sipylus and the tomb of Tantalus. Chandler (Travels in Asia Minor,
p. 331) thought that a small lake of limpid water at the north-eastern foot of
Mount Sipylus, not far from a sepulchre cut in the rock, might be the lake Sale;
but Hamilton (Researches, i. p. 49, foll.) has shown that the lake must be sought
for in the marshy district of Manissa.
In speaking of Mount Sipylus, we cannot pass over the story of Niobe,
alluded to by the poets, who is said to have been metamorphosed into stone on
that mountain in her grief at the loss of her children. (Hom. Il. xxiv. 614; Soph.
Antig. 822; Ov. Met. vi. 310; Apollod. iii. 5; Paus. viii. 2. § 3.) Pausanias
(i. 21. § 5) relates that he himself went to Mount Sipylus and saw the figure
of Niobe formed out of the natural rock; when viewed close he saw only the rock
and precipices, but nothing resembling a woman either weeping or in any other
posture; but standing at a distance you fancied you saw a woman in tears and in
an attitude of grief. This phantom of Niobe, says Chandler (p. 331), whose observation
has been confirmed by subsequent travellers, may be defined as an effect of a
certain portion of light and shade on a part of Sipylus, perceivable at a particular
point of view. Mount Sipylus now bears the name of Saboundji Dagh or Sipuli Dagh.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited September 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
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