Εμφανίζονται 4 τίτλοι με αναζήτηση: Πληροφορίες για τον τόπο για το τοπωνύμιο: "ΜΕΣΣΗΝΗ Αρχαία πόλη ΣΙΚΕΛΙΑ".
The modern Messina; a celebrated town of Sicily, on the strait separating Italy from this island, which is here about four miles broad. The Romans called the town Messana, according to its Doric pronunciation, but Messene was its more usual name among the Greeks. It was originally a town of the Siceli, and was called Zancle, or a sickle, on account of the shape of its harbour, which is formed by a singular curve of sand and shells. It was first colonized by Chalcidians, and was afterwards seized by Samians, who had come to Sicily after the capture of Miletus by the Persians (B.C. 494). The Samians were shortly afterwards driven out of Zancle by Anaxilas, who changed the name of the town into Messana or Messene, both because he was himself a Messenian and because he transferred to the place a body of Messenians from Rhegium. In B.C. 396 it was taken and destroyed by the Carthaginians, but was rebuilt by Dionysius. It afterwards fell into the hands of Agathocles. Among the mercenaries of this tyrant were a number of Mamertini, an Oscan people from Campania, who had been sent from home, under the protection of the god Mamers, or Mars, to seek their fortune in other lands. These Mamertini were quartered in Messana; and after the death of Agathocles (B.C. 282) they made themselves masters of the town, killed the male inhabitants, and took possession of their wives, their children, and their property. The town was now called Mamertina, and the inhabitants Mamertini; but its ancient name of Messana continued to be in more general use. The new inhabitants could not lay aside their old predatory habits, and in consequence became involved in a war with Hieron of Syracuse, who would probably have conquered the town had not the Carthaginians come in to the aid of the Mamertini, and, under the pretext of assisting them, taken possession of their citadel. The Mamertini had at the same time applied to the Romans for help, who gladly availed themselves of the opportunity to obtain a footing in Sicily. Thus Messana was the immediate cause of the First Punic War, 264. The Mamertini expelled the Carthaginian garrison, and received the Romans, in whose power Messana remained till the latest times.
This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Messene in almost all Greek authors, but the Doric form Messana, which
is found in Pindar, was universally in use among the citizens themselves, and
was from them adopted by the Romans, who always write the name Messana: Eth. Messenios
and Messanios, Messanensis: Messina.
An important city of Sicily, situated on the strait which divided
that island from Italy, nearly opposite to Rhegium, and only a few miles from
Cape Pelorus, the NE. extremity of the island. It was originally called ZANCLE
(Zankle: Eth. Zanklaios), a name said to be of Siculian origin, derived from Zanklon,
which in the language of that people meant a sickle, and was obviously applied
to the spot from the peculiar configuration of the curved spit or point of sand
which encloses its port. (Thuc. vi. 4; Steph. Byz. s. v. Zankle; Strab. vi. p.
268; Diod. iv, 85.) From this derivation of the name it would appear probable
that there was a Siculian settlement on the spot, before it was occupied by the
Greeks; but no mention of this is found in history, and all ancient writers describe
Zancle as a Chalcidic colony. According to Thucydides it was at first founded
by a band of pirates from the Italian Cumae, itself a colony of Chalcis; but the
advantageous situation of the place soon led to the establishment there of a more
regular colony, consisting of settlers from Chalcis and the other cities of Euboea,
at the head of whom were Perieres of Chalcis and Crataemenes of Cumae, who became
the joint founders or Oekists of the new colony (Thuc. vi. 4). This statement
of Thucydides is confirmed in its leading points by Pausanias; while Scymnus Chius,
as well as Strabo, though agreeing in its Chalcidic origin, represent it as founded
immediately from the Chalcidic colony of Naxos in Sicily. (Paus. iv. 23. § 7;
Scymn. Ch. 284-286; Strab. vi. p. 268.) From this last version we may infer that
it was looked upon as of more recent origin than Naxos, and therefore not founded
till after 735 B.C.; but we have no clue to the precise, or even approximate date,
of its establishment. Of its early history we know scarcely anything; but we may
probably infer that it rose early to a flourishing condition, from the circumstance
that the Zanclaeans were able before the close of the seventh century B.C. to
establish two colonies on the N. coast of the island: Mylae, about 30 miles W.
of Cape Pelorus, and Himera, much further to the W. (Thuc. vi. 5; Scymn. Ch. 288;
Strab. vi. p. 272.) The latter grew up into a great and powerful city, but Mylae
appears to have continued for the most part a mere dependency of Zancle. (Strab.
l. c.)
The Zanclaeans appear to have been still desirous of extending their
colonial system in this direction, and were endeavouring to induce fresh settlers
from the Ionian cities of Asia to co-operate with them in this enterprise, when
the fall of Miletus in B.C. 494 gave a fresh impulse to emigration from that quarter.
A large body of Samians, together with some of the surviving Milesians, were in
consequence induced to accept the invitation of the Zanclaeans, and set out for
Sicily, with the purpose of establishing themselves on the N. coast between Mylae
and Himera, which was commonly known as the Fair Shore (he Kale Akte.) But having
arrived, on their way, at Locri Epizephyrii, they were here persuaded by Anaxilas,
tyrant of Rhegium, to take a treacherous advantage of the absence of the Zanclaean
troops, who were engaged in military operations elsewhere, and surprise the city
of Zancle itself. That city was at this time under the government of a despot
named Scythes, to whom Herodotus gives the title of king. On finding themselves
thus betrayed, the Zanclaeans invoked the assistance of the powerful Hippocrates,
despot of Gela; but that monarch in his turn betrayed them, and instead of aiding
them to recover possession of Zancle, made common cause with the Samians, whom
he confirmed in the possession of the city, while he threw Scythes into prison,
and reduced the greater part of the Zanclaeans into captivity. (Herod. vi. 22-24;
Thuc. vi. 4; Scymn. Ch. 293; Arist. Pol. v. 3.) By this sudden revolution, the
Samians found themselves in undisputed possession of Zancle, but they did not
long enjoy their new acquisition. Not many years afterwards they were in their
turn reduced to subjection by Anaxilas himself, who is said to have expelled them
from the city, which he peopled with a mixed body of colonists, while he gave
to it the name of Messene, in remembrance of the land of that name in Greece,
from which his own ancestors derived their descent. (Thuc. vi. 4; Herod. vii.
164; Strab. vi. p. 268.)
The exact period of this revolution cannot be determined with certainty;
but the first settlement of the Samians at Zancle cannot be carried back further
than B.C. 493, while their subsequent expulsion or subjection by Anaxilas must
have occurred some years prior to his death in B.C. 476. It is certain that at
that period he had been for some time ruler both of Rhegium and Zancle, the latter
of which, according to one account, he had placed under the nominal government
of his son Cleophron or Leophron. (Diod. xi. 48; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. ii. 34.)
It is certain, also, that before the close of his reign Zancle had assumed the
name of Messene or Messana, by which it has ever since been known. The error of
Pausanias, who carries back the whole settlement, and with it the reign of Anaxilas
to the close of the Second Messenian War, B.C. 668, has been sufficiently refuted
by Bentley (Diss. on Phalaris, pp. 204-224.) It is probable that he confounded
the Second Messenian War with the Third, which was really contemporaneous with
the reign of Anaxilas (Clinton, F. H. vol. i. p. 257); and it is not unlikely
that some fugitives from the latter were among the fresh settlers established
by Anaxilas at the time of the colonisation of Messana. It is probable also that
the Samians were by no means absolutely expelled, as stated by Thucydides, but
continued to inhabit the city together with the new colonists, though deprived
of their exclusive ascendancy. (Herod. vii. 164; Siefert, Zancle-Messana, p. 16.)
The Messanians for some time followed the fortunes of their neighbours
of Rhegium: they passed, after the death of Anaxilas, under the government of
Micythus, and subsequently of the two sons of Anaxilas: but, after the death of
Hieron, and the expulsion of his brother Thrasybulus from Syracuse, they took
the opportunity, in conjunction with the other cities of Sicily, to drive out
their despots and assert their freedom and independence, B.C. 461. (Diod. xi.
59, 66, 76.) A large body of the foreign settlers, who had been introduced into
Sicily by the tyrants, were upon this occasion established in the territory of
Messana, a proof that it was at this period still thinly peopled: but the city
seems to have participated largely in the prosperity which the Sicilian republics
in general enjoyed during the period that followed, B.C. 460-410. The great fertility
of its territory, and the excellence of its port, were natural advantages which
qualified it to become one of the first cities of Sicily: and this appears to
have been the case throughout the period in question. In B.C. 426. their tranquillity
was, how-ever, interrupted by the arrival of the Athenian fleet under Laches,
which established itself at Rhegium, on the opposite side of the straits ; and
from thence made an attack on Mylae, a fortress and dependency of the Messanians,
which, though occupied by a strong garrison, was compelled to surrender. Laches,
with his allies, hereupon marched against Messana itself, which was unable to
resist so large a force, and was compelled to accede to the Athenian alliance.
(Thuc. iii. 86, 90; Diod. xii. 54.) But the next year (B.C. 425) the Messanians
hastened to desert their new alliance, and join that of the Syracusans; and from
thenceforth their port became the chief naval station of the combined Syracusan
and Locrian fleets. (Thuc. iv. 1, 24, 25.) They themselves, also, on one occasion,
took courage to make a vigorous attack on their Chalcidic neighbours of Naxos,
and were able to defeat the Naxians themselves, and shut them up within their
walls; but were in their turn defeated by the Siculians and Leontines, who had
hastened to the relief of Naxos, and who for a short time laid siege, but without
effect, to Messana itself. (Thuc. iv. 25.) The Messanians were included in the
general pacification of Sicily, B.C. 424; but were themselves still divided by
factions, and appear at one time to have for a short period passed under the actual
dominion of the Locrians. (Id. v. 5.) At the time of the Athenian expedition to
Sicily (B.C. 415) they were again independent, and on that occasion they persisted
in maintaining a neutral position, though in vain solicited by the Athenians on
one side, and the Syracusans on the other. An attempt of the former to make themselves
masters of the city by treachery proved wholly ineffectual. (Diod. xiii. 4 ; Thuc.
vi. 48, 74.) A few years later, the Messanians afforded a hospitable refuge to
the fugitives from Himera, when that city was taken by the Carthaginians, B.C.
409 (Diod. xiii. 61), and sent an auxiliary force to assist in the defence of
Agrigentum against the same people. (Id. 86.)
It appears certain that Messana was at this period, one of the most
flourishing and considerable cities in Sicily. Diodorus tells us, that the Messanians
and Rhegians together could equip a fleet of not less than 80 triremes (xiv. 8);
and their combined forces were viewed with respect, if not with apprehension,
even by the powerful Dionysius of Syracuse. (Id. 44.) But though unfavourably
disposed towards that despot, the Messanians did not share in the strong sympathies
of the Rhegians with the Chalcidic cities of Naxos and Catana [Rhegium], and pursued
an uncertain and vacillating policy. (Diod. xiv. 8, 40, 44.) But while they thus
sought to evade the hostility of the Syracusan despot, they were visited by a
more severe calamity. Himilcon, the Carthaginian general, who had landed in Sicily
in B.C. 396, having compelled Dionysius to fall back upon Syracuse, himself advanced
with a large army from Panormus, along the N. coast of the island. Messana was
the immediate object of the campaign, on account of the importance of its port;
and it was so ill prepared for defence, that notwithstanding the spirited resistance
of its citizens, it was taken by Himilcon with little difficulty. Great part of
the inhabitants made their escape to the surrounding country; but the rest were
put to the sword, and not only the walls of the city levelled to the ground, but
all its buildings so studiously destroyed as, according to the expression of Diodorus,
to leave scarcely a trace of where it had formerly stood. (Diod. xiv. 56-58.)
After the defeat and expulsion of the Carthaginans, Dionysius endeavoured
to repeople Messana with the fugitive citizens who survived, to whom he added
fresh colonists from Locri and Medma, together with a small body of Messanian
exiles, but the latter were soon after transferred to the newly founded city of
Tyndaris. (Diod. xiv. 78.) Mean-while, the Rhegians, who viewed with dissatisfaction
the footing thus established by Dionysius on the Sicilian straits, endeavoured
to obtain in their turn an advanced post against the Messanians by fortifying
Mylae, where they established the exiles from Naxos, Catana, and other cities,
who had been driven from their homes by Dionysius. (Id. xiv. 87.) The attempt,
however, proved abortive : the Messanians recovered possession of Mylae, and continued
to support Dionysius in his enterprises against Rhegium. (Id. 87, 103.) After
the death of that despot, we hear but little of Messana, which appears to have
gradually, but slowly, risen again to a flourishing condition. In B.C. 357 the
Messanians [p. 336] are mentioned as sending assistance to Dion against the younger
Dionysius; and after the death of Dion, they repulsed an attempt of Callippus
to make himself master of their city. (Diod. xvi. 9; Plut. Dion, 58.) At a somewhat
later period, however, they fell under the yoke of a tyrant named Hippon, from
whom they were freed by Timoleon, (B.C. 339), and at the same time detached from
the alliance of Carthage, to which they had been for a time compelled to adhere.
(Diod. xvi. 69; Plut. Timol. 20, 34.)
But Messana did not long enjoy her newly recovered freedom. Soon after
the establishment of Agathocles at Syracuse, that monarch turned his arms against
Messana, and, though his first attempts, in B.C. 315, were unsuccessful, and he
was even compelled to restore the fortress of Mylae, of which he had for a time
made himself master, a few years later, B.C. 312, he succeeded in establishing
his power at Messana itself. (Diod. xix. 65, 102.) But the severities which he
exercised against the party which had opposed him completely alienated the minds
of the Messanians, and they readily embraced the opportunity of the defeat of
the tyrant at Ecnomus in the following year, B.C. 311, to throw off his yoke and
declare in favour of the Carthaginian alliance. (Id. xix. 110.) The death of Agathocles,
soon after, brought upon the Messenians even heavier calamities than his enmity
had done. The numerous bands of mercenary troops, chiefly of Campanian, or at
least Oscan, extraction, which the despot had assembled in Sicily, were, after
his death, compelled by the Syracusans, with the support of the Carthaginians,
to quit the island. But, having arrived with that object at Messana, where they
were hospitably received by the citizens, and quartered in their houses, they
suddenly turned against them, massacred the male inhabitants, made themselves
masters of their wives, houses, and property, and thus established themselves
in undisputed possession of the city. (Pol. i. 7; Diod. xxi. 18, Exc. H. p. 493;
Strab. vi. p. 268.) They now assumed the name of MAMERTINI (Mamertinoi), or the
children of Mars, from Mamers, an Oscan name of that deity, which is found also
in old Latin. (Diod. l. c.; Varr. L. L. v. 73.) The city, however, continued to
be called Messana, though they attempted to change its name to Mamertina: Cicero,
indeed, in several instances calls it Mamertina civitas (Cic. Verr. ii. 5, 46,
iii. 6, iv. 10, &c.), but much more frequently Messana, though the in-habitants
were in his time universally called Mamertini. The precise period of the occupation
of Messana by the Mamertines is nowhere stated. Polybius tells us that it occurred
not long before that of Rhegium by the Campanians under Decius, which may be referred
to the year 280 B.C., while it must have taken place some time after the death
of Agathocles in B.C. 289: the year 282 is that commonly assigned, but within
the above limits this is merely conjectural.
The Mamertines now rapidly extended their power over the whole NE.
angle of Sicily, and made themselves masters of several fortresses and towns.
The occupation of Rhegium by the Campanian's, under very similar circumstances,
contributed to strengthen their position, and they became one of the most formidable
powers in Sicily. The arrival of Pyrrhus in the island (B.C. 278) for a time gave
a check to their aggrandisement: they in vain combined with. the Carthaginians
to :prevent his landing; but, though he defeated their forces in a battle and
took several of their fortresses, he did not attack Messana itself; and on his
return to Italy the Mamertines sent a large force across the straits which attacked
the army of the king on its march, and inflicted on him severe losses. (Plut.
Pyrrh. 23, 24; Diod. xxi. 7. p. 495.) The Mamertines, however, soon found a more
formidable enemy in Hieron of Syracuse, who, shortly after the departure of Pyrrhus
from Sicily, established himself in the possession of the chief power in that
city. His efforts were early directed against the Mamertines; and after. the fall
of Rhegium, which was taken by the Romans in B.C. 271, he invaded their territory
with a great army, reduced the fortress of Mylae, and defeated the Mamertines
in a battle on the banks of the river Longanus, with such slaughter that they
were on the point of surrendering Messana itself without a blow; and the city
was saved only by the intervention of a Carthaginian force under Hannibal. (Pol.
i. 8, 9; Diod. xxii. 13. pp. 499, 500.) The events which followed are obscurely
known to us, and their chronology is very uncertain; but the Mamertines seem to
have found that they were no longer able to stand alone against the power of Hieron;
and, while one party was disposed to throw themselves into the arms of the Carthaginians,
another sought protection from the power of Rome. The latter ultimately prevailed,
and an embassy sent by the Mamertines, to invoke the alliance of the Romans, first
gave occasion to the intervention of that people in the affairs of Sicily, and
became the origin of the First Punic War, B.C. 264. (Pol. i. 10; Diod. xxiii.
1; Zonar. viii. 8; Oros. iv. 7; Liv. Epit. xvi.)
Before the arrival of the promised aid from Rome the Carthaginian
party had again prevailed, and the citadel was occupied by a Carthaginian garrison;
but this was expelled by the Mamertines themselves on the arrival of C. Claudius;
and soon after the consul Appius Claudius landed at Messana, and drove off in
succession the Carthaginians and Hieron, who had just before concluded an alliance
against the Mamertines, and laid siege to the city with their combined forces.
(Pol. i. 11, 12; Diod. xxiii. 1, 3 p. 501; Zonar. viii. 8, 9; Dion Cass. Exe.
Vat. 58-60.) Messana was now protected by a Roman garrison, and, during the whole
course of the war which followed, continued to be one of their chief strong-holds
and the principal station of their fleets. The importance of its harbour, as well
as its ready communication with Italy, rendered it a point of vital importance
to the Romans; and the Mamertines either continued steadily faithful or were kept
under by the constant presence of a Roman force. (Pol. i. 21. 25, 38, 52; Diod.
xxiii. 18. p. 505, xxiv. 1. p. 508; Zonar, viii. 10, 12.) At the close of the
war the Mamertines obtained a renewal of their treaty, and continued to enjoy
henceforth the nominal privileges of an allied city (foederata civitas), while
they in reality passed under the dominion of Rome. (Cic. Verr. iii. 6) Even in
the time of Cicero we find them still retaining this privileged condition; and
though this alone would not have sufficed to protect them against the exactions
of Verres, the Mamertines appear to have adopted the safer policy of supporting
the praetor in all his oppressions and conciliating him by bribes, so that they
are represented by the orator as the accomplices, as well as defenders, of all
his iniquities. (Cic. Ib. ii. 5, 46, iv. 8, 67, &c.)
Messana was certainly at this time one of the most. populous and.
flourishing places in Sicily. Cicero calls it a very great and very rich city
( civitas maxima et locupletissima, Verr. v. 17), and extols the advantages of
its situation, its port, and its buildings. (Ib. iv. 2.) Like all other allied
cities, it had its own senate and magistrates, and was legally subject to no other
contributions than the furnishing ships and naval supplies in case of war, and
the contributing a certain proportion of the corn furnished by Sicily to Rome
at a given rate of remuneration. (Ib. v. 17-22.) Nor does Messana appear to have
suffered severely from any of the wars that caused such ravages in Sicily, though
it narrowly escaped being taken and plundered by Athenion during the Servile War,
B.C. 101. (Dion Cass. Fr. Val. p. 534.) In the Civil War, B.C. 48, it was the
station of a part of the fleet of Caesar, which was attacked there by that of
Pompey under Cassius, and the whole of the ships, thirty-five in number, burnt;
but the city itself was protected by the presence of a Roman legion. (Caes. B.C.
iii. 101.) At a somewhat later period it was the head-quarters and chief stronghold
of Sextus Pompeius during his war with Octavian, B.C. 36; and its capacious harbour
became the station of the fleet with which he commanded the coasts of Sicily,
as far as Tauromenium on the one side and Tyndaris on the other. It was from thence
also that Pompeius, after the total defeat of his fleet by Agrippa, made his escape
with a squadron of only seventeen ships. (Appian, B.C. v. 97, 103, 109, 122; Dion
Cass. xlix. 1-12; Strab. vi. p. 268.)
It was in all probability in consequence of this war that Messana
lost the privileged condition it had so long enjoyed; but its inhabitants received
in exchange the Roman franchise, and it was placed in the ordinary position of
a Roman municipium. It still continued to be a flourishing place. Strabo speaks
of it as one of the few cities in Sicily that were in his day well peopled; and
though no subsequent mention of it is found in history under the Roman Empire,
it reappears during the Gothic wars as one of the chief cities and most important
fortresses in the island,-a rank it had undoubtedly held throughout the intervening
period. (Strab. vi. p. 268; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Ptol. iii. 4. § 9; Mel. ii. 7.
§ 16; Procop. B. G. i. 8, iii. 39.) The wine of the neighbourhood of Messana,
known as Vinum Mamertinum, enjoyed a great reputation in the days of Pliny; it
was first brought into vogue by the dictator Caesar. (Plin. xiv. 6. s. 8.)
Throughout the vicissitudes of the middle ages Messina continued to
be one of the most important cities of Sicily; and still ranks as the second city
in the island. It has, however, but few remains of antiquity. The only vestiges
are some baths and tesselated pavements, and a small old church, supposed to have
formed part of a Roman basilica. (Smyth's Sicily, p. 118.) Another church, called
S. Giovanni de' Fiorentini is believed, but wholly without authority, to occupy
the site of the Sacrarium or family chapel of Heius, from which Verres purloined
a bronze statue of Hercules, attributed to Myron, and one of Cupid, which was
believed to be the work of Praxiteles. (Cic. Verr. iv. 2,3.)
The celebrated port of Messana, to which the city owed its chief importance
in ancient as well as modern times, is formed by a projecting spit or tongue of
sand, which curves round in the form of a crescent or sickle (whence the name
of Zancle was supposed to be derived), and constitutes a natural mole, rendering
the harbour within perfectly secure. This singular bulwark is called by Diodorus
the Acte (Akte), and its construction was attributed by fable to the giant Orion
(Diod. iv. 85), though there can be no doubt of its being of perfectly natural
formation. The harbour within is said by Diodorus to be capable of containing
a fleet of 600 ships (xiv. 56), and has abundant depth of water, even for the
largest ships of modern days. The celebrated whirlpool of the Charybdis is situated
just outside the Acte, nearly opposite the modern lighthouse, but out of the track
of vessels entering the harbour of Messina. (Smyth's Sicily, p. 123.)
Though the city itself is built close to the harbour on level ground,
immediately at the back of it rise steep hills, forming the underfalls of a range
of mountains which extends from the neighbourhood of Cape Pelorus to that of Tauromenium.
This ridge, or at least the part of it next to Cape Pelorus, was known in ancient
times as the Mons Neptunius; but a part of the same range forming one of the underfalls
near Messana is called, both by Diodorus and Polybius, the Chalcidic mount (to
Chalkidikon oros, Pol. i. 11; s lophos ha kaloumenos Chalkidikos, Diod. xxiii.
1), and was the position occupied by Hieron of Syracuse when he laid siege to
Messana, B.C. 264. But neither this, nor the position taken up by the Carthaginians
at the same time at a place called Sunes or Eunes (Suneis, Pol.; Euneis, Diod.),
can be identified with any degree of certainty.
The coins of Messana are numerous and interesting, as illustrating
the historical vicissitudes of the city. There exist:--1. Coins of Zancle, before
the time of Anaxilas, with the name written in old characters DANKAE, a dialectic
form of the name. 2. Coins of Messana, with the Ionic legend MESSENION and types
taken from the coins of Samos. These must be referred to the period of Anaxilas
immediately after his conquest of the city, while the Samian colonists still inhabited
it. 3. Coins of Messana, with the type of a hare, which seems to have been adopted
as the ordinary symbol of the city, because that animal is said to have been first
introduced into Sicily by Anaxilas. (Pollux, Onom. v. 75.) These coins, which
are numerous, and range over a considerable period of time, show the gradual preponderance
of the Doric element in the city; the ruder and earlier ones having the legend
in the Ionic form MESSENION, the latter ones in the Doric form MESSANION or MESSANION.
4. Coins struck by the Mamertines, with the name of MAMEPTINON. These are very
numerous, but in copper only.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
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