gtp logo

Πληροφορίες τοπωνυμίου

Εμφανίζονται 51 τίτλοι με αναζήτηση: Πληροφορίες για τον τόπο  στην ευρύτερη περιοχή: "ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΔΥΤΙΚΗ Νομαρχία ΕΛΛΑΔΑ" .


Πληροφορίες για τον τόπο (51)

Κόμβοι τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης

Δήμος Ανω Λιοσίων

ΑΝΩ ΛΙΟΣΙΑ (Δήμος) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ

Δήμος Βιλίων

ΒΙΛΙΑ (Δήμος) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ

Δήμος Ελευσίνας

ΕΛΕΥΣΙΝΑ (Δήμος) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

Δήμος Μεγαρέων

ΜΕΓΑΡΑ (Δήμος) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

Δήμος Νέας Περάμου

ΝΕΑ ΠΕΡΑΜΟΣ (Δήμος) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ

Κόμβοι, εμπορικοί

Greek & Roman Geography (ed. William Smith)

Eleusis

ΕΛΕΥΣΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΔΥΤΙΚΗ
Eleusis or Eleusin: Eth. Eleusinios (Lepsina). A demus of Attica, belonging to the tribe Hippothoontis. It owed its celebrity to its being the chief seat of the worship of Demeter and Persephone, and to the mysteries celebrated in honour of these goddesses, which were called the Eleusinia, and continued to be regarded as the most sacred of all the Grecian mysteries down to the fall of paganism. As an account of these mysteries, and of the legends respecting their institution, is given elsewhere where, it only remains now to speak of the topography and history of the town. Eleusis stood upon a height at a short distance from the sea, and opposite the island of Salamis. Its situation possessed three natural advantages. It was on the road from Athens to the Isthmus; it was in a very fertile plain; and it was at the head of an extensive bay, formed on three sides by the coast of Attica, and shut in on the south by the island of Salamis. The town itself dates from the most ancient times. It appears to have derived its name from the supposed advent (eleusis) of Demeter, though some traced its name from an eponymous hero Eleusis. (Paus. i. 38.7.) It was one of the 12 independent states into which Attica was said to have been originally divided. (Strab. ix. p. 397.) It was related that in the reign of Eumolpus, king of Eleusis, and Erechtheus, king of Athens, there was a war between the two states, in which the Eleusinians were defeated, whereupon they agreed to acknowledge the supremacy of Athens in every thing except the celebration of the mysteries, of which they were to continue to have the management. (Thucyd. ii. 15; Paus. i. 38.3.) Eleusis afterwards became an Attic demus, but in consequence of its sacred character it was allowed to retain the title of polis (Strab. ix.; Paus. i. 38.7), and to coin its own money, a privilege possessed by no other town in Attica, except Athens. The history of Eleusis is part of the history of Athens. Once a year the great Eleusinian procession travelled from Athens to Eleusis, along the Sacred Way, which has been already described at length. The ancient temple of Demeter at Eleusis was burnt by the Persians in B.C. 484 (Herod. ix.); and it was not till the administration of Pericles that an attempt was made to rebuild it. When the power of the Thirty was overthrown after the Peloponnesian War, they retired to Eleusis, which they had secured beforehand, but where they maintained themselves for only a short time. (Xen. Hell. ii. 4. 8, seq., 43) Under the Romans Eleusis enjoyed great prosperity, as initiation into its mysteries became fashionable among the Roman nobles. It was destroyed by Alaric in A.D. 396, and from that time disappears from history. When Spon and Wheler visited the site in 1676, it was entirely deserted. In the following century it was again inhabited, and it Ad is now a small village called Lephina, which is only a corruption of the ancient name. Eleusis was built at the eastern end of a low rocky height, a mile in length, which lies parallel to the sea-shore, and is separated to the west from the falls of Mount Cerata by a narrow branch of the plain. The eastern extremity of the hill was levelled artificially for the reception of the Hierum of Demeter and the other sacred buildings. Above these are the ruins of an acropolis. [ "Castellum, quod et imminet, et circumdatum est templo," Liv. xxxi. 25.] A triangular space of about 500 yards each side, lying between the hill and the shore, was occupied by the town of Eleusis. On the eastern side the town wall is traced along the summit of an artificial embankment, carried across the marshy ground from some heights near the Hierum, on one of which stands a castle (built during the middle ages of the Byzantine empire). This wall, according to a common practice in the military architecture of the Greeks, was prolonged into the sea, so as to form a mole sheltering a harbour, which was entirely artificial, and was formed by this and two other longer moles which project about 100 yards into the sea. There are many remains of walls and buildings along the shore, as well as in other parts of the town and citadel; but they are mere foundations, the Hierum alone preserving any considerable remains. (Leake.) Pausanias has left us only a very brief description of Eleusis (i. 38. 6): The Eleusinians have a temple of Triptolemus, another of Artemis Propylaea, and a third of Poseidon the Father, and a well called Callichorum, where the Eleusinian women first instituted a dance and sang in honour of the goddess. They say that the Rharian plain was the first place in which corn was sown and first produced a harvest, and that hence barley from this plan is employed for making sacrificial cakes. There the so-called threshing-floor and altar of Triptolemus are shewn. The things within the wall of the Hierum [i. e. the temple of Demeter] a dream forbade me to describe. The Rharian plain is also mentioned in the Homeric Hymn to Artemis (450): it appears to have been in the neighbourhood of the city; but its site cannot be determined.
  The present state of the antiquities at Eleusis is described by the Commission of the Dilettanti, of whose researches a brief account is given by Leake. Upon approaching Eleusis from Athens, the first conspicuous object is the remains of a large pavement, terminating in some heaps of ruins, which are the remains of a propylaeum, of very nearly the same plan and dimensions as that of the Acropolis of Athens. Before it, near the middle of a platform cut in the rock, are the ruins of a small temple, 40 feet long and 20 broad, which was undoubtedly the temple of Artemis Propylaea. The peribolus, which abutted on the Propylaeum, formed the exterior inclosure of the Hierum. At a distance of 50 feet from the propylaeum was the north-eastern angle of the inner inclosure, which was in shape an irregular pentagon. Its entrance was at the angle just mentioned, where the rock was cut away both horizontally and vertically to receive another propylaeum much smaller than the former, and. which consisted of an opening 32 feet wide between two parallel walls of 50 feet in length. Towards the inner extremity this opening was narrowed by transverse walls to a gateway of 12 feet in width, which was decorated with antae, opposed to two Ionic columns. Between the inner front of this propylaeum and the site of the great temple lay, until the year 1801, the colossal bust of Pentelic marble, crowned with a basket, which is now deposited in the public library at Cambridge. It has been supposed to be a fragment of the statue of Demeter which was adored in the temple; but, to judge from the position in which it was found, and from the unfinished appearance of the surface in those few parts where any original surface remains, the statue seems rather to have been that of a Cistophorus, serving for some architectural decoration, like the Caryatides of the Erechtheium.
  The temple of Demeter itself, sometimes called mustikos sekos, or to telesterion, was the largest in all Greece, and is described by Strabo as capable of containing as many persons as a theatre (ix. p. 395). The plan of the building was designed by Ictinus, the architect of the Parthenon at Athens; but it was many years before it was completed, and the names of several architects are preserved who were employed in building it. Its portico of 12 columns was not built till the time of Demetrius Phalereus, about B.C. 318, by the architect Philo. (Strab. l. c.; Plut. Per. 13; Dict. of Biogr. vol. iii. p. 314, a.) When finished, it was considered one of the four finest examples of Grecian architecture in marble. It faced the south-east. Its site is occupied by the centre of the modern village, in consequence of which it is difficult to obtain all the details of the building. The Commission of the Dilettanti Society supposed the cella to be 166 feet square within; and comparing the fragments which they found with the description of Plutarch (Per. 13), they thought themselves warranted in concluding that the roof of the cella was covered with tiles of marble like the temples of Athens; that it was supported by 28 Doric columns, of a diameter (measured under the capital) of 3 feet 2 inches; that the columns were disposed in two double rows across the cella, one near the front, the other near the back; and that they were surmounted by ranges of smaller columns, as in the Parthenon, and as we still see exemplified in one of the existing temples at Paestum. The cella was fronted with a magnificent portico of 12 Doric columns, measuring 61 1/2 feet at the lower diameter of the shaft, but fluted only in a narrow ring at the top and bottom. The platform at the back of the temple was 20 feet above the level of the pavement of the portico. An ascent of steps led up to this platform on the outside of the north-western angle of the temple, not far from where another flight of steps ascended from the platform to a portal adorned with two columns, which perhaps formed a small propylaeum, communicating from the Hierum to the Acropolis.
  There are no remains which can be safely ascribed to the temple of Triptolemus, or to that of Poseidon. The well Callichorum may have been that which is now seen not far from the foot of the northern side of the hill of Eleusis, within the bifurcation of two roads leading to Megara and to Eleutherae, for near it are the foundations of a wall and portico. Near Eleusis was the monument of Tellus, mentioned by Herodotus (i. 30).
  The town of Eleusis and its immediate neighbourhood were exposed to inundations from the river Cephissus, which, though almost dry during the greater part of the year, is sometimes swollen to such an extent as to spread itself over a large part of the plain. Demosthenes alludes to inundations at Eleusis (c. Callicl. p. 1279); and Hadrian raised some embankments in the plain in consequence of an inundation which occurred while he was spending the winter at Athens (Euseb. Chron. p. 81). In the plain about a mile to the south of Eleusis are the remains of two ancient mounds, which are probably the embankments of Hadrian. To the same emperor most likely Eleusis was indebted for a supply of good water by means of the aqueduct, the ruins of which are still seen stretching across the plain from Eleusis in a north-easterly direction. (Leake, Demi of Attica, p. 154, seq., from which the greater part of the preceding account is taken.) The annexed coin represents on the obverse Demeter in a chariot drawn by winged snakes, and holding in her hand a bunch of corn, and on the reverse a sow, the animal usually sacrificed to Demeter.

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Erythrae

ΕΡΥΘΡΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
  Eruthrai: Eth. Eruthraios. An ancient town in Boeotia, mentioned by Homer, and said to have been the mother-city of Erythrae in Boeotia. (Hom. Il. ii. 499; Strab. ix.). It lay a little south of the Asopus, at the foot of Mount Cithaeron. The camp of Mardonius extended along the Asopus from Erythrae and past Hysiae to the territory of Plataea. (Herod. ix. 15, 25.) Erythrae is frequently mentioned by other authorities in connection with Hysiae. It was in ruins in the time of Pausanias. Leake places it to the eastward of Katzula at the foot of the rocks, where are some foundations of Hellenic walls, together with a church containing a Doric column and its capital.

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited May 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Thria

ΘΡΙΑ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΑΣΠΡΟΠΥΡΓΟΣ
Thria, an important demus, from which the Eleusinian plain, or, at all events, the central or eastern part of it, was called the Thriasian Plain. When Attica was invaded from the west, the Thriasian Plain was the first to suffer from the ravages of the enemy. (Thriasion pedion, Strab. ix. p. 395; Herod. ix. 7; Thuc. i. 114, ii. 19.) A portion of the Eleusinian plain was also called the Rharian Plain (Parion, Hom. Hymn. Cer. 450) in ancient times, but its site is unknown. The territory of Thria appears to have been extended as far as the salt-springs Rheiti, since the temple of Aphrodite Phila is said to have been in Thria. (Athen. vi. p. 255, c.) Thria is placed by Leake at a height called Magula, on the Eleusinian Cephissus, about three miles above Eleusis, but it is much more probable that it stood upon the coast somewhere between Eleusis and the promontory Amphiale (eita [after Eleusis] to Thriasion pedion kai homonumos aigialos kai demos: eith he akra he Amthiale, Strab. l. c.). Fiedler mentions the ruins of a demus, probably Thria, situated on the coast, at the distance of scarcely ten minutes after leaving the pass of Dhafni. (Fiedler, Reise, &c. vol. i. p.

This extract is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited August 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Megara

ΜΕΓΑΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ
Megara, Megara-orum, sometimes Megara-ae: the territory he Megaris, sometimes he Megarike, sc. ge: Eth. Megareus, Megarensis: Adj. Megarikos.
 A city in Greece Proper.
I. SITUATION. The city of Megara is situated rather more than a mile from the Saronic gulf, in a plain about 6 or 7 miles in length, and the same in breadth, bounded to the westward by the range of the Geraneian mountains, to the eastward by the range which terminates in the mountains called Kerata or the horns, and to the south by the sea; while on the north the plain loses itself in a gradual ascent. The city stood on a low hill with a double summit, on each of which there was an acropolis, one named Caria (Karia), and the other Alcathoe (Alkathoe), the former probably being on the eastern, and the latter on the western height, upon which the modern village is chiefly situated. Immediately below the city was a port-town named Nisaea (Nisaia and Nisaia), the port being formed by an island called Minoa. The city was connected with its port-town by Long Walls.
II. HISTORY. There were two traditions respecting the early history of Megara. According to the Megarians, the town owed its origin to Car, the son of Phoroneus, who built the citadel called Caria and the temples of Demeter called Megara, from which the place derived its name. (Paus. i. 39. § 5, i. 40. § 6.) Twelve generations afterwards Lelex came from Egypt and gave the inhabitants the name of Leleges, whence we read in Ovid (Met. vii. 443):
Tutus ad Alcathoen, Lelegeia moenia, limes Composito Scirone patet.
  Lelex was succeeded by his son Cleson, the latter by his son Pylas, whose son Sciron married the daughter of Pandion, king of Athens. But Nisus, the son of Pandion, disputing with Sciron the possession of Megara, Aeacus, who had been called in as arbiter, assigned the kingdom to Nisus and his posterity, and to Sciron the command in war. Nisus was succeeded by Megareus, the son of Poseidon, who had married Iphinoe, the daughter of Nisus; and Megareus was followed by his son Alcathous, who built the other citadel named after him. Such was the account of the Megarians, who purposely suppressed the story of the capture of their city by Minos during the reign of Nisus. (Paus. i. 39. § § 5, 6, i. 41. § 5.)
  The other tradition, which was preserved by the Boeotians and adopted by the rest of Greece, differs widely from the preceding one. In the reign of Pylas, Pandion being expelled from Athens by the Metionidae, fled to Megara, married the daughter of Pylas, and succeeded his father-in-law in the kingdom. (Paus. i. 39. § 4; Apollod. iii. 15.) The Metionidae were in their turn driven out of Athens; and when the dominions of Pandion were divided among his four sons, Nisus, the youngest, obtained Megaris. The city was called after him Nisa, and the same name was given to the port-town which he built. When Minos attacked Nisus, Megareus, son of Poseidon, came from Onchestus in Boeotia to assist the latter, and was buried in the city, which was called after him Megara. The name of Nisa, subsequently Nisaea, was henceforth confined to the port-town. (Paus. i. 39. § § 4, 6.) But even the inhabitants of Megara were sometimes called Nisaei, to distinguish them from the Megarians of Sicily, their colonists (Theocr. Id xii. 27.) Through the treachery of his daughter Scylla, Nisus perished, and Minos obtained possession of the city, and demolished its walls. They were subsequently restored by Alcathous; son of Pelops, who came from Elis. In this work he was assisted by Apollo. (Paus. i. 41. § 6; Theogn. 771; Ov. Met. viii. 14) It was further related, that Hyperion, the son of Agamemnon, was the last king of Megara, and that after his death a democratical form of government was established. (Paus. i. 43. § 3.)
  Into the value of those traditions it would be useless to inquire. It may, however, be regarded as certain, that Megara and its territory were in early times regarded as part of Attica; and hence Strabo accounts for the omission of their names in the Iliad, because they were comprehended along with the Athenians under the general name of Ionians. (Strab. ix. p. 392.) The most certain event in the history of Megara is its conquest by the Dorians. This event is connected in tradition with the expedition of the Peloponnesians against Athens. The Dorian invaders were defeated by the voluntary sacrifice of Codrus; but Megaris was notwithstanding permanently conquered, and a Corinthian and Messenian colony founded at Megara. The pillar at the isthmus of Corinth, which had hitherto marked the boundaries of Ionia and Peloponnesus, was now removed; and Megara was henceforth a Dorian state, and its territory included in Peloponnesus. (Strab. ix. p. 393; Scymn. Ch. 502.) Megara, however, continued for some time to be subject to Corinth, and it was not without frequent straggles and wars that it at length established its independence. Megara appears not to have become the ruling city in the district till it was independent of Corinth, since in earlier times it had been only one of the five hamlets (komai), into which the country was divided, namely, the Heraeans, Piraeans, Megarians, Cynosurians and Tripodiscaeans. (Plut. Quaest. Grace. c. 17, p. 387.)
  After Megara had become an independent city, its prosperity rapidly increased, and in the seventh century before the Christian era it was one of the most flourishing commercial cities of Greece. For this it was chiefly indebted to its admirable situation, which gave its inhabitants great facilities for the prosecution of commerce both by land and sea. All the roads from Northern Greece to Peloponnesus passed through their country, while their shores being washed by the Corinthian and Saronic gulfs, enabled them to trade both with the West and East.   Megara founded some of the earlier Grecian colonies, both in Sicily and Thrace. In B.C. 728 it established Megara Hyblaea in Sicily, in 712, Astacus in Bithynia, in 675 Cyzicus in the Propontis, in the following year Chalcedon at the mouth of the Bosporus, and in 657 Byzantium opposite Chalcedon. About this time, or rather later, Comedy is said to have been invented by the Megarians. According to the common account, Susarion, a native of Tripodiscus in Megaris, introduced comedy into Attica. But, with the increase of wealth, the lower orders attempted to obtain a share in the government, which had hitherto been exclusively in the hands of the Dorian conquerors; and Theagenes, the father-in-law of Cylon, became tyrant or despot of Megara, by attacking the rich landed proprietors and advocating the claims of the poor. (Aristot. Rhet. i. 2, Polit. v. 4.) He embellished the city by the construction of a beautiful aqueduct, which continued to exist down to the time of Pausanias (i. 40. § 1). Theagenes ruled about B.C. 630--600; but he was subsequently driven from power, and Megara was for some time torn asunder by struggles between the aristocracy and democracy. The elegiac poet Theognis, who belonged to the aristocracy, deplores the sufferings of his party, and complains that the poor no longer paid the interest of their debts, and that they plundered the houses of the rich and even the temples.
  About the same time the Megarians were engaged in frequent contests with their neighbours in Attica. The chief struggle between them was for the island of Salamis, which was at length gained by the Athenians in consequence of the well-known stratagem of Solon. (Paus. i. 40. § 5; Strab. ix. p. 394.) The Megarians took their share in the Persian wars. They fought with 20 ships at the battles of Artemisium and Salamis. (Herod. viii. 1, 45.) They repulsed a body of Persians whom Mardonius sent to ravage their territory (Paus. i. 40. § 2), and finally 3000 of their troops fought at the battle of Plataea. (Herod. ix. 28.)
  After the Persian War the Megarians were involved in hostilities with the Corinthians respecting the boundaries of their territories. This led the Megarians to desert the Peloponnesian alliance, and unite themselves with the Athenians, B. C 455. In order to secure their communication with Megara, the Athenians built two Long Walls connecting the city with Nisaea; and they garrisoned at the same time the town of Pegae, on the Corinthian gulf. (Thuc. i. 103.) But ten years afterwards the Megarians revolted from Athens, and having obtained the assistance of some Peloponnesian troops, they slew the Athenian garrison, with the exception of those who escaped into Nisaea. They continued to hold Nisaea nd Pegae, but they also surrendered these towns in the thirty years' truce made in the same year (445) with Sparta and her allies. (Thuc. i. 114, 115.) The Athenians thus lost all authority over Megaris; but they were so exasperated with the Megarians, that they passed a decree excluding them from their markets and ports. This decree pressed very hard upon the Megarians, whose unproductive soil was not sufficient to support the population, and who obtained most of their supplies from Attica: it was one of the reasons urged by the Peloponnesians for declaring war against Athens. (Thuc. i. 67, 139; Aristoph. Acharn. 533.) In the Peloponnesian War the Megarians suffered greatly. In the first year of the war the Athenians invaded Megaris with a very large force, and laid waste the whole territory up to the city walls. At the same time the Athenian fleet blockaded the harbour of Nisaea, so that Megara was in the situation of a besieged city cut off from all its supplies. This invasion was repeated by the Athenians once in every year, and sometimes even twice; and the sufferings which the people then endured were remembered by them many centuries afterwards, and were assigned to Pausanias as the reason why one of their works of art had not been finished. (Thuc. ii. 31; Plut. Per. 30; Paus. i. 40. § 4.)
  In the fifth year of the Peloponnesian War (B.C. 427), the Athenians under Nicias took possession of the island of Minoa, which lay in front of Nisaea, and left a garrison there, by which means the port of Nisaea was still more effectively blockaded. (Thuc. iii. 51.) Of the position of this island, and of the causeway connecting it with the mainland, we shall speak presently. In the eighth year of the Peloponnesian War (B.C. 424), the democratical party in Megara fearing the return of the aristocratical exiles, who were at Pegae, entered into negotiations with the Athenians to surrender their city to them. The Athenians still held Minoa; and the Long Walls and Nisaea were occupied by an Athenian garrison. The Athenians were admitted within the Long Walls by their friends in Megara, and after a siege of two days they took Nisaea.1 Megara was saved by Brasidas, who advanced to the relief of the city with a large Peloponnesian force, and, after offering battle to the Athenians, which they declined, was admitted within the city. The aristocratical exiles were now recalled, and a strict and exclusive oligarchy established, which lasted for some time. (Thuc. iv. 66 - 74.) A few months afterwards the Megarians captured the Long Walls from the Athenians and levelled them to the ground; but the Athenians still continued to hold Nisaea and Minoa. (Thuc. iv. 109.) In the truce concluded between the Athenians and Peloponnesians in the following year, it was settled that the line of demarcation between the Athenians in Nisaea and Minoa, on one side, and the Megarians and their allies in Megara, on the other, should be the road leading from the gate of Nisaea near the monument of Nisus to the Poseidonium or temple of Poseidon, and from the latter in a straight line to the causeway leading to Minoa. (Thuc. iv. 117.)
  From this time Megara is seldom mentioned in Grecian history. Its prosperous condition at a later period is extolled by Isocrates, who says that it possessed the largest houses of any city in Greece, and that it remained at peace, though placed between the Peloponnesians, Thebans, and Athenians. (Isocr. de Pac. p. 183, ed. Steph.) Megara surrendered to Philip after the battle of Chaeroneia. (Aelian, V. H. vi. 1.) After the death of Alexander it was for some time in the power of Cassander; but his garrison was expelled by Demetrius Poliorcetes, who proclaimed the freedom of the city B.C. 307. (Diod. xx. 46; Plut. Demetr. 9.) Subsequently it again passed into the hands of the Macedonian kings, but it was united by Aratus to the Achaean League. (Polyb. ii. 43.) In the war between the Achaean League and the Romans, Megara surrendered to Metellus without a contest. (Paus. vii. 15. § 11.) It is mentioned by Sulpicius, in his well-known letter to Cicero (ad Fam. iv. 5), as one of the ruined cities of Greece. It still existed in the time of Strabo (ix. p. 393), and it was subsequently made a Roman colony. (Plin. iv. 7. s. 11.) Pausanias relates that it was the only city of Greece which Hadrian refused to assist, on account of the murder by its inhabitants of Anthemocritus, the Athenian herald (Paus. i. 36. § 3); but we learn from inscriptions that a new tribe at Megara was called Adrianis, in honour of the emperor, and that Sabina, the emperor's wife, was worshipped here under the title of nea Demeter (Bockh, Inscr. vol. i. p. 566); and even Pausanias himself describes a temple of Apollo of white marble, built by Hadrian (i. 42. § 5). It continued to coin money under the Antonines and subsequent emperors; and it appears in the Tabula Peuting. as a considerable place. In the fifth century its fortifications were repaired by Diogenes, an officer of the emperor Anastasius (Chandler, Inscr. Ant. 130); but from this time it appears to have rapidly sunk, and was frequently plundered by the pirates of the Mediterranean.
  Megara was celebrated on account of its philosophical school, which was founded there by Eucleides, a disciple of Socrates, and which distinguished itself chiefly by the cultivation of dialectics. The philosophers of this school were called the Megarici (hoi Megarikoi, Strab. ix. 393). It was, also less creditably distinguished for its courtezans, who were called Megarian Sphinxes. (Megarikai Sphinges, Suid. s. v.; comp. Plant. Pers. i. 3. 57.) The Megarians were addicted to the pleasures of the table. (Tertull. Apolog. 39.) They had a bad character throughout Greece, and were regarded as fraudulent, perfidious, and ignorant; but they may have owed much of this bad character to the representations of their enemies, the Athenians. (Aelian, V. II. xii. 56; Schol. ad Aristoph. Pac. 248; Suid. s. v. Megareon axioi meridos, i. e. contemptible people.) Of the Megarian games and festivals we have three kinds mentioned; the Dioclean, celebrated in honour of the hero Diocles (Schol. ad Theocr. xii. 28; Schol. ad Pind. Ol. xiii. 155; Schol. ad Aristoph. Acharn. 774), the Alcathoan, celebrated in honour of Alcathous, and the Smaller Pythian, in honour of the Pythian Apollo, whose worship was very ancient in Megara. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 3; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. v. 84, Ol. xiii. 155; Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien, p. 66.)
  Dion Chrysostom (Orat. vi.) says that Megara is one day's journey from Athens, and Procopius (Bell. Vand. i. 1) makes it 210 stadia. According to modern travellers the journey takes 8 hours. (Dodwell, Classical Tour, vol. ii. p. 177.)
III. TOPOGRAPHY OF THE CITY AND ITS PORT-TOWN. Pausanias has given a particular description of the public buildings of Megara (Paus. i. 40, seq.). He begins his account with the aqueduct of Theagenes, which was supplied with water from the fountain of the nymphs called Sithnides. The aqueduct was remarkable for its magnitude and numerous columns. Near it was an ancient temple, containing a statue of Artemis Soteira, statues of the twelve gods said to be by Praxiteles, and images of the Roman emperors. Beyond, in the Olympieium, or inclosure of Zeus Olympius, was a magnificent temple, containing a statue of the god, which was never finished, owing to the distress occasioned by the Athenians in the Peloponnesian War. From thence Pausanias ascended to the citadel, named Caria, passing by a temple of Dionysus Nyctelius, a sanctuary of Aphrodite Apostrophia, an oracle of Night, and a roofless temple of Zeus Cronius. Here, also, was the Megarum, or temple of Demeter, said to have been founded by Car during his reign.
  Below the northern side of the Acropolis Caria was the tomb of Alcmena near the Olympieium. Hence Pausanias was conducted by his Megarian guide to a place called Rhus (Rhous; comp. Plut. Thes. 27), because the waters from the neighbouring mountains were collected here, until they were turned off by Theagenes, who erected on the spot an altar to Achelous. It was probably this water which supplied the fountain of the Sithnides. Near this place was the monument of Hyllas; and not far from the latter were temples of Isis, Apollo Agraeus, and Artemis Agrotera, which was said to have been dedicated by Alcathous after he had slain the Cithaeronian lion. Below these were the heroum of Pandion, and the monuments of Hippolyte, queen of the Amazons, and Tereus, who married Procne.
  On the ascent to the citadel Alcathoe, Pausanias saw, on the right hand, the sepulchre of Megareus, and near it the hearth of the gods called Prodomeis, to whom Alcathous sacrificed when he was going to build the walls. Here was the stone upon which Apollo laid his lyre, when he was assisting Alcathous, and which, on being struck, returned a sound like that of a harp. (Comp. Theogn. 771; Ov. Met. viii. 14) Beyond was the council-house (bouleuterion) of the Megarians, formerly the sepulchre of Timalcus ; and on the summit of the Acropolis was a temple of Athena, containing a statue of the goddess, entirely gilded, with the exception of the face, hands, and feet, which were of ivory. Here, also, were temples of Athena Nice, or Victory, and Aeantis. The temple of Apollo was originally of brick, but had been rebuilt of white marble by Hadrian. Here, also, was a temple of Demeter Thesmophorus, in descending from which occurred the tomb of Callipolis, daughter of Alcathous.
  On the road leading to the Prytaneium the traveller passed the heroum of Ino, the heroum of Iphigeneia, and a temple of Artemis said to have been erected by Agamremnon. In the Prytaneium were tombs of Menippus, son of Megareus, and Echepolis, son of Alcathous; near which was a stone called Anaclethra, because here Demeter sat down and called her daughter. Pausanias next mentions the sepulchres of those Megarians who had fallen in battle against the Persians, and the Aesymnium, so named from its founder, which contained a monument of the heroes of Megara. There were several sepulchral monuments on the way from the Aesymnium to the heroum of Alcathous, in which the public records were preserved in the time of Pausanias. Beyond was the Dionysium or temple of Dionysus; close to which was the temple of Aphrodite, containing several statues by Praxiteles. Near the latter was a temple of Fortune, with an image of the goddess by Praxiteles. A neighbouring temple contained statues of the Muses, and a Jupiter in brass, by Lysippus. In the Agora stood the tombs of Coroebus and of the athlete Orsippus, the former of which was ornamented by some of the most ancient specimens of sculpture which Pausanias had seen in Greece. On descending from the Agora by the street called Straight, there stood, a little to the right, the temple of Apollo Prostaterius, with a statue of the god of great merit, as well as other statues by Praxiteles. In the ancient gymnasium, near the gates called Nymphades, was a pyramidal stone, called by the natives Apollo Carinus, and a temple of the Eileithyiae. On the road to the port of Nisaea was a temple of Demeter Malophorus. The Acropolis of Nisaea still remained; on descending from the Acropolis there was the tomb of Lelex on the sea-side. Near Nisaea was a small island, called Minoa, where the fleet of the Cretans was moored during the war against Nisus.
  Megara still retains its ancient name, but it is a miserable place. It occupies only the western of the two ancient citadels, and as this was probably Alcathoe, the town on the summit is on the site of the temple of Athena. There are hardly any remains of antiquity at Megara. On the eastern acropolis there are a few remains of the ancient walls. None of the numerous temples mentioned by Pausanias can be identified; and only one of them is marked by the frusta of some Ionic columns. The magnificent aqueduct of Theagenes has disappeared; and some imperfect foundations and a large fountain on the northern side of the town are the only remains of the celebrated fountain of the Sithnide nymphs.
  Of the Long Walls, uniting Megara with Nisaea, we have already spoken. They are noticed by Aristophanes under the name of ta Megarika skele (Lysistr. 1172). They were destroyed by the Megarians themselves, as we have already seen, in the eighth year of the Peloponnesian War, but they were subsequently restored by Phocion. Strabo speaks of them as if they still existed in his time (ix. p. 391), but they would seem to have fallen to ruin before that of Pausanias, as he makes no mention of them. According to Thucydides (iv. 66) they were 8 stadia in length, but according to Strabo (l. c.) 18 stadia.
  The position of Nisaea and Minoa has given rise to much dispute, as the localities described by Thucydides do not agree with the present features of the coast. The subject has been briefly discussed by Colonel Leake (Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 401), and more fully by Dr. Arnold (Thucyd. vol. ii. p. 393) and Lieut. Spratt. (London Geographical Journal, vol. viii. p. 205.) Thucydides represents Minoa as an island close to Nisaea, and united to the latter by a bridge over a morass. On Minoa the Megarians had built a fortress (Thuc. iii. 51). Strabo (ix. p. 39) calls Minoa a promontory (akra). He says that, after the Scironian rocks, we come to the promontory Minoa, forming the harbour of Nisaea. Pausanias (i. 44. § 3), however, agrees with Thucydides in calling it an island ; but it may be observed that the expression of Strabo (akra) is not inconsistent with its being an island, as stated by Thucydides and Pausanias. The difficulty in determining the site of Minoa and Nisaea arises from the fact, that there is at present no island off the coast which can be identified with Minoa. At the distance of nearly a mile and a half from Megara there is a small rocky peninsula, and further off two islands, the inner one of which affords shelter to a few of the small class of coasters. Hence it has been supposed that the inner island was Minoa, as it forms the port of the Megarians of the present day. But this island is distant from the promontory about 200 yards, with 7 fathoms of water between them ; consequently they could never have been connected by a bridge. It might, indeed, be argued, that the peninsula was once an island ; but this is disproved by the fact that its isthmus is of equal height with its extremity. Moreover there are no ancient remains, either on this island or the peninsula.
  Other writers, among whom are Colonel Leake and Dr. Arnold, suppose the promontory of Tikho, further to the east, at the entrance of the strait of Salamis, to have been Minoa, since it may at one time have been an island. Accordingly, the statement of Strabo respecting the length of the Long Walls, is preferred to that of Thucydides. But this promontory is nearly 3 miles in length, which is larger than is implied in the description of Thucydides (iii. 51), who speaks of it as fortified only by a single fort. Moreover, Pausanias calls Minoa a small island. Lieutenant Spratt has offered a more probable solution of the difficulty. He supposes Minoa to be a rocky hill, surmounted by a ruined fortress, and standing on the margin of the sea south of Megara, at the distance of little more than a geographic mile, thus agreeing with the 8 stadia of Thucydides. That this hill was once a peninsula, appears evident from the dry beds of two rivers, which pass close to its base ; one on each side. The eastern bed winds round the back of the hill, leaving only a narrow neck of elevated ground between it and that on the west side: and it is, therefore, clear, that when these two rivers had communication with the sea, the intermediate neck of land, with this hill, would have been a peninsula, or promontory. These two river beds were once the only outlets of the mountain streams which issue from the valleys on the north side of Mont Geraneia ; for the ancient course of the eastern bed, although now ploughed over and cultivated, can be traced through the plain to the northward, as far as its junction with that river, whose torrent at present flows in an easterly direction towards the shallow bay of Tikho, crossing the site of the Long Walls which connected Megara with Nisaea and Minoa, and losing themselves in the swamps bordering that bay. Although vestiges of the walls are not found in the bed of the river, yet, on examining the ground near it, the evidence is convincing that its present course does cross their site, as, at a short distance from it, on the Megarian side, their foundations may be traced in a direction transverse to the course of the river, and towards the castellated hill before mentioned. The dry watercourse on the western side of this isolated hill can be traced to within two or three hundred yards of the eastern one; and having no communi-cation with any other mountain stream, it may not be unreasonable to suppose that formerly the river split there into two branches or mouths. This hill would then have been an island, as Thucydides calls Minoa. The subsequent deposit of earth brought down by the above mentioned stream, would have joined the hill to the mainland.
  If this hill is the site of Minoa, the town of Nisaea must have been near it; and Lieut. Spratt discovered many vestiges of an ancient site on the eastern side of the hill, between the sea and a low rock which stands in the plain a short distance to the northward. Among these remains are four small heaps of ruins, with massive foundations, in one of which there are three broken shafts of small columns erect, and wanting apparently only the fourth to complete the original number. Probably they were monuments or temples; and two Greek churches, which are now in ruins, but standing on two ancient foundations, will not be unfavourable to the supposition. Another church, Agios Nikolaos, which is perfect, also occupies the site of an ancient building, but it stands nearer to the sea. (Lieut) Spratt further supposes that he has discovered remains of the ancient causeway. Between the base of the hill on its north side, and the opposite bank of the dry bed of a former river, there are three platforms of heavy buildings, one of which lies immediately at the foot of the hill, another on the edge of the opposite bank, and the third nearly central; and as the course of that former river-bed clearly and indisputably passes between them, it is more than probable that the bridge of communication may be recognised in these ruins. He also says, that distinct remains of an ancient mole are to be seen extending from the south-eastern end of the hill, and curving to the eastward, so as to have formed a harbour between the hill and those ruins, which is in accordance with the statement of Strabo, that the port of Nisaea was formed by the promontory of Minoa.
IV. TERRITORY OF MEGARA. Megaris occupied the greater part of the large Isthmus, which extends from the foot of Mt. Cithaeron to the Acrocorinthus, and which connects Northern Greece with the Peloponnesus. The southern part of this Isthmus, including the Isthmus properly so called, belonged to Corinth; but the boundaries of Megaris and Corinth differed at an earlier and a later period. Originally Megaris extended as far as Crommyon on the Saronic, and Thermae on the Corinthian, gulfs, and a pillar was set up near the Isthmus proper, marking the boundaries between Peloponnesus and Ionia; but subsequently this pillar was removed, and the territory of Corinth reached as far as the Scironian rocks and the other passes of the Geraneian mountains. (Strab. ix. pp. 392, 393.) Towards the N., Megaris was separated from Boeotia by Mt. Cithaeron, and towards the E. and NE. from Attica by some high land, which terminates on the west side of the bay of Eleusis in two summits, formerly called Kerata or The Horns (ta Kerata), and now Kandili. (Strab. ix. p. 395; Diod. xiii. 65; Plut. Them. 13.) Here there is an immense deposit of conchiferous limestone, which Pausanias also noticed (i. 44. § 6). The river Iapis, which flowed into the sea a little to the W. of the Horns, was the boundary of Megaris and Attica. The extreme breadth of Megaris from Pagae to Nisaea is estimated by Strabo (viii. p. 334) at 120 stadia; and, according to the calculation of Clinton, the area of the country is 143 square miles.   Megaris is a rugged and mountainous country, and contains no plain, except the one in which its capital, Megara, was situated. This plain was called the White Plain (to Leukon pedion, Schol. ad Hom. Od. v. 333, ed. Mai; Etymol. M. s. v. Leukothea), and is the same as Cimolia (Kimolia, Diod. xi. 79), which produced the Creta Cimolia or fullers' earth, and which Leake erroneously regards as a place (Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 413). The main range of Mt. Cithaeron runs from W. to E., forming the boundary between Boeotia and Attica; but it is also prolonged southwards along the shores of the Corinthian gulf, and gradually rises into a new chain, which stretches across Megaris from W. to E., parallel to Mt. Cithaeron. This chain is highest on the western side, where it attains the height of 4217 feet (Paris), and gradually sinks down on the eastern side towards the Saronic gulf. On its western side it runs out into the promontory Aegiplanctus (Aigiplanktos, Aesch. Agam. 303, with Schol.), and also into those of Olmiae and Heraeum in the Corinthian territory. On its eastern side the island of Salamis and the surrounding rocks are only a continuation of this chain. The mountains were called Geraneia in antiquity (Geraneia, Thuc. i. 105; Paus. i. 40. § 7), and are said to have received this name because, in the deluge of Deucalion, Megarus, the son of Zeus and a Sithonian nymph, was led by the cries of cranes (geranoi) to take refuge upon their summit. Towards the south the Geraneian mountains sink down into the plain of the Isthmus, while to the south of the Isthmus there rises another chain of mountains called the Oneian. Strabo (viii. p. 380) confounds the Geraneia with the Oneia; and erroneously represents the latter extending as far as Boeotia and Cithaeron. His error has misled many modern writers, who, in consequence, speak of the Geraneia as a portion of the Oneia. (Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. i. p. 25.)
  The Geraneian mountains are almost, if not entirely, calcareous. They form the true boundary of Northern Greece, and rise above there Isthmus of Corinth like a vast wall from sea to sea. Three roads lead across these mountains into Peloponnesus. One runs from the western coast of Megaris, across the rocky peninsula of Perakhora, the ancient Peiraeum of Corinth, down to the Corinthian gulf. It was the road by which armies frequently marched from Peloponnesus into Northern Greece, but in ordinary intercourse was not much used on account of its length. The second road passes through the centre of the Geraneia, and is called the road of the great Dervenia from the narrow pass (Turk. Derveni), which leads between two masses of rock, and where guards were stationed in Turkish times. According to Gell the top of this pass was anciently fortified with a wall. The same writer says that, from the top of this pass to Corinth the distance is 8 hours 37 minutes, and to Megara 2 hours 33 minutes. This road is now little used. The third road, which leads along the eastern coast of Megaris, is the shortest way between Megara and Corinth, and therefore has been the chief line of communication between Peloponnesus and Northern Greece from the earliest times to the present day. This road, soon after leaving Megara, runs for several miles along a narrow ledge or terrace, cut in the rock half-way up the sides of the cliffs. On his right hand the traveller has the precipitous rock, while on his left it descends perpendicularly to the sea, which is 600 or 700 feet beneath him. The road, which is now narrow and impracticable for carriages, was made wide enough by the emperor Hadrian for two carriages to pass abreast. From the higher level the road descends to the brink of the water by a most rugged and precipitous path cut between walls of rock. This pass is the celebrated Scironian rocks of antiquity, now called Kake - skala, or bad ladder (Hai Skeironides petrai, Strab. ix. p. 391; hai Skironides and hai Skirades, Polyb. xvi. 16; Skeironos aktai, Eur. Hippol. 1208; the road itself he Skironis hodos, Herod. viii. 71; Scironia saxa, Plin. iv. 7. s. 11). According to a Megarian tradition, these rocks derived their name from Sciron, a polemarch of the Megarians, who was the first to make a footpath along the rocks (Paus. i. 44. § 6); but, according to the more common tradition, they were so called from the robber Sciron. Near the southern end of the pass, where the road [p. 317] begins to descend, we must place the Molurian rock (he Molouris), from which Ino or Leucothea threw herself with her son Melicertes (Palaemon) into the sea; and close by were the execrable rocks (enageis), from which Sciron used to throw strangers into the sea, and from which lie was himself hurled by Theseus. (Paus. i. 44. § 7, seq.) The tortoise at the foot of the rock, which was said to devour the robbers, was probably a rock called by this name from its shape, and which gave rise to the tale (kata ten kaloumenen chelonen, /un>Diod. iv. 59). On the summit of the mountain was a temple of Zeus Aphesius. On descending into the plain was the temple of Apollo Latous, near which were the boundaries of Megaris and the Corinthia. (Paus. i. 44. § § 9, 10.)
  Megaris contained only one town of importance, Megara with its harbour Nisaea, which have been already described. The other towns in the country were Aegosthena and Pegae (Doric Pagae), on the Alcyonian or Corinthian gulf; Tripodicus and Rhus in the interior; Phibalis, on the confines of Attica (Schol. ad Aristoph. Acharn. 802); and Phalycon and Polichne of which the site is uncertain. There was also a fortress, Geraneia situated on one of the mountains of this name, but its position is also uncertain (Scylax, p. 15; Plin. iv. 7. s. 11); it is apparently the same place as the Ereneia (Ereneia) of Pausanias (i. 44. § 5). Scylax mentions a place Aris, but instead of Pegai, teichos Geraneia, Aris, it has been conjectured that we ought to read Pegai teichos, Geraneia akris or akra. Whether there was a place of the name of Isus in Megaris seems doubtful.
1. On this occasion Thucydides (iv. 66) calls Megara he ano polis, in contradistinction to the port-town. This expression cannot refer to the acropolis of Megara, as some critics interpret it.

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


ΟΙΝΟΗ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
Oenoe (Oinoe),which must be distinguished from a demus of the same name in the Marathonian Plain, was situated upon the confines of Boeotia and Attica, near Eleutherae, and upon the regular road to Plataea and Thebes. (Strab. viii. p. 375; Herod. v. 74; Thuc. ii. 18; Diod. iv. 60.) Hysiae and Oenoe are mentioned as the frontier demi of Attica in B.C. 507, when they were both taken by the Boeotians. (Herod. l. c.) From this time Hysiae continued to be a Boeotian town; but Oenoe was recovered by the Athenians, and was fortified by them before the commencement of the Peloponnesian war (Thuc. l. c.) In B.C. 411 the Boeotians again obtained possession of Oenoe (Thuc. viii. 98); but it must have been recovered a second time by the Athenians, as it continues to be mentioned as an Attic demus down to the latest times. Oenoe was situated on the Pythian Way, so called because it led from Athens to Delphi (Strab. ix. p. 422): this road apparently branched off from the Sacred Way to Eleusis, near the tomb of Strato. Near Oenoe was a Pythium, or temple of Apollo Pythius, in consequence of the sanctity of which Oenoe obtained the epithet of the Sacred. (Liban. Declam. 16, in Dem. Apol. i. p. 451.) This Pythium is said to have formed the northern boundary of the kingdom of Nisus, when Attica and the Megaris were divided between the four sons of Pandion. (Strab. ix. p. 392.)
  At the NW. extremity of Attica there is a narrow pass through Mount Cithaeron, through which ran the road from Thebes and Plataeae to Eleusis. This pass was known in antiquity by the name of the Three Heads, as the Boeotians called it, or the Oak's Heads, according to the Athenians. (Herod. ix. 38.) On the Attic side this pass was guarded by a strong fortress, of which the ruins form a conspicuous object, on the summit of a height, to the left of the road. They now bear the name of Ghyfto--kastro, or gipsy castle, a name frequently given to such buildings among the modern Greeks. Leake supposes these ruins to be those of Oenoe, and that Eleutherae was situated at Myupoli, about four miles to the south-eastward of Ghyfto--kastro. The objection to this hypothesis is, that Eleutherae was originally a member of the Boeotian confederacy, which voluntarily joined the Athenians, and never became an Athenian demus, and that hence it is improbable that Oenoe, which was always an Attic demus, lay between Plataeae and Eleutherae. To this Leake replies, that, on examining the ruins of Ghyfto--kastro, its position and dimensions evidently show that it was a fortress, not a town, being only 700 or 800 yards in circumference, and standing upon a strong height, at the entrance of the pass, whereas Myupoli has every appearance of having been a town, with an acropolis placed as usual on the edge of a valley. (Respecting Eleutherae, see Paus. i. 38. § 8; Xen. Hell. v. 4. 14; Strab. viii. p. 375, ix. p. 412; Plut. Thes. 29; Steph. B.; Plin. iv. 7. s. 12.) The position of these places cannot be fixed with certainty; but we think Leake's opinion is, upon the whole, the most probable. Muller, Kiepert, and others suppose the ruins of Ghyfto--kastro to be those of Panactum described by Thucydides as a fortress of the Athenians, on the confines of Boeotia, which was betrayed to the Boeotians in B.C. 420, and subsequently destroyed by them. (Thuc. v. 3, 42; comp. Paus. i. 25. § 6; Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 446; Steph. B.) Leake places Panactum on the Boeotian side of the pass of Phyle; but Ross thinks that he has discovered its ruins in the plain of Eleutherae, west of Skurta. Ross, moreover, thinks that Eleutherae stood to the east of Ghyfto--kastro, near the convent of St. Meletius, where are ruins of an ancient place; while other modern writers suppose Eleutherae to have stood more to the west, near the modern village of Kundara.

This extract is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited August 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Pegae

ΠΑΓΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΜΕΓΑΡΑ
Pegae, Pagae. Pegai, Dor. Pagai: Eth. Pagaios. A town of Megaris, on the Alcyonian or Corinthian gulf. It was the harbour of Megaris on the western coast, and was the most important place in the country next to the capital. According to Strabo (viii. p. 334) it was situated on the narrowest part of the Megaric isthmus, the distance from Pagae to Nisaea being 120 stadia. When the Megarians joined Athens in B.C. 455, the Athenians garrisoned Pegae, and its harbour was of service to them in sending out an expedition against the northern coast of Peloponnesus. (Thuc. i. 103, 111.) The Athenians retained possession of Pegae a short time after Megara revolted from them in B.C. 454; but, by the thirty years' truce made in the same year, they surrendered the place to the Megarians. (Thuc. i. 114, 115.) At one period of the Peloponnesian War (B.C. 424) we find Pegae held by the aristocratical exiles from Megara. (Thuc. iv. 66.) Pegae continued to exist till a late period, and under the Roman emperors was a place of sufficient importance to coin its own money. Strabo (viii. p. 380) calls it to ton Megareon phrourion. Pausanias saw there a chapel of the hero Aegialeus, who fell at Glisas in the second expedition of the Argives against Thebes, but who was buried at this place. He also saw near the road to Pegae, a rock covered with marks of arrows, which were supposed to have been made by a body of the Persian cavalry of Mardonius, who in the night had discharged their arrows at the rock under the impulse of Artemis, mistaking it for the enemy. In commemoration of this event, there was a brazen statue of Artemis Soteira at Pegae. (Paus. i. 44. § 4.) Pegae is also mentioned in the following passages: - Strab. ix. pp. 400, 409; Pans. i. 41. § 8; Ptol. iii. 15. § 6; Steph. B. s. v.; Mela, iii. 3. § 10; Plin. iv. 7. s. 11; Hierocl. p. 645; Tab. Peut., where it is called Pache. Its site is now occupied by the port of Psatho, not far from the shore of which are found the remains of an ancient fortress. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 407.)

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Tripodiscus

ΤΡΙΠΟΔΙΣΚΟΣ (Αρχαίος οικισμός) ΜΕΓΑΡΑ
  Tripodiscus (Tripodiskos, Thuc. iv. 70; Tripodiskoi, Paus. i. 43. § 8; Tripodoi, Tripodiskion, Strab. ix. p. 394; Tripodiske, Herod. ap. Steph. B. s. v. Tripodiskos: Eth. Tripodiskois, Steph. B.; Tripodiskaios), an ancient town of Megaris, said to have been one of the five hamlets into which the Megarid was originally divided. (Plut. Quaest. Graec. c. 17.) Strabo relates that, according to some critics, Tripodi was mentioned by Homer, along with Aegirusa and Nisaea, as part of the dominions of Ajax of Salamis, and that the verse containing these names was omitted by the Athenians, who substituted for it another to prove that Salamis in the time of the Trojan War, belonged to Athens. (Strab. l. c.) Tripodiscus is celebrated in the history of literature as the birthplace of Susarion, who is said to have introduced comedy into Attica, and to have removed from this place to the Attic Icaria. (Aspas. ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. iv. 2; Dict. of Biogr. Vol. III. p. 948.) We learn from Thucydides (l. c.) that Tripodiscns was situated at the foot of Mount Geraneia, at a spot convenient for the junction of troops marching from Plataea in the one direction, and from the Isthmus in the other. Pausanias (l. c.) also describes it as lying at the foot of Geraneia on the road from Delphi to Argos. This author relates that it derived its name from a tripod, which Coroebus the Argive brought from Delphi, with the injunction that wherever the tripod fell to the ground he was to reside there and build a temple to Apollo. (Comp. Conon, Narrat. 19.) Leake noticed the vestiges of an ancient town at the foot of Mt. Geraneia, on the road from Plataea to the Isthmus, four or five miles to the NW. of Megara. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 410.)

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited September 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Hysiae

ΥΣΙΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
  Husiai, Husia, Eth. Husieus. A town of Boeotia, in the Parasopia, at the northern foot of Mt. Cithaeron, and on the high road from Thebes to Athens. It was said to have been a colony from Hyria, and to have been founded by Nyeteus, father of Antiope. (Strab. ix. p. 404.) Herodotus says that both Hysiae and Oenoe were Attic demi when they were taken by the Boeotians in B.C. 507. (Herod. v. 74.) It probably, however, belonged to Plataea. (Comp. Herod. vi. 108.) Oenoe was recovered by the Athenians; but, as Mt. Cithaeron was the natural boundary between Attica and Boeotia, Hysiae continued to be a Boeotian town. Hysiae is mentioned in the operations which preceded the battle of Plataea. (Herod. ix. 15, 25.) Hysiae was in ruins in the time of Pausanias, who noticed there an unfinished temple of Apollo and a sacred well. (Paus. ix. 2. § 1.) Leake observed a little beyond the great road at the foot of the mountain, a great quantity of loose stones in the fields, together with some traces of ancient walls, and the mouth of a well or cistern, of Hellenic construction, now filled up. This we may conclude to be the site of Hysiae. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 327.) Hysiae is mentioned also in the following passages: Eurip. Bacch. 751; Thuc. iii. 24, v. 83.

This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Phyle

ΦΥΛΗ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΦΥΛΗ
Phyle (Phule), still called Fili, a strong fortress, stands on a steep rock, commanding the narrow pass across Mt. Parnes, through which runs the direct road from Thebes to Athens, past Acharnae. On the northern side of the pass was the territory of Tanagra. Phyle is situated at the distance of more than 120 stadia from Athens (Psephisma, ap. Dem. de Cor. p. 238), not 100 stadia, as Diodorus states (xiv. 32), and was one of the strongest Athenian fortresses on the Boeotian frontier. The precipitous rock upon which it stands can only be approached by a ridge on the eastern side. It is memorable in history as the place seized by Thrasybulus and the Athenian exiles in B.C. 404, and from which they commenced their operations against the Thirty Tyrants. The height of Phyle commands a magnificent view of the whole Athenian plain, of the city itself, of Mt. Hymettus, and the Saronic Gulf. (Xen. Hell. ii. 4. 2, seq.; Died. l. c.; Nep. Thrasyb. 2; Strab. ix. pp. 396, 404.) In Phyle there was a building called the Daphnephoreion, containing a picture, which represented the Thargelia. (Athen. x. p. 424, f.)

This extract is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited August 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities

Geranea

ΓΕΡΑΝΕΙΑ ΟΡΗ (Βουνό) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
(Geraneia). A range of mountains running along the western coast of Megaris, terminating in the promontory Olmiae in the Corinthian territory.

Dryos Cephalae

ΔΡΥΟΣ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙ (Αρχαία τοποθεσία) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
(Druos Kephalai). A narrow pass of Mount Cithaeron in Boeotia, between Athens and Plataeae.

Eleusis

ΕΛΕΥΣΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΔΥΤΙΚΗ
Eleusis or Eleusin. A city of Attica, equidistant from Megara and the Piraeus, and famed for the celebration of the mysteries of Demeter. According to some writers it derived its name from a hero, whom some affirmed to be the son of Hermes but others of Ogyges (Pausan. i. 38). Its origin is certainly of the highest antiquity, as it appears to have already existed in the time of Cecrops, but we are not informed by whom, or at what period, the worship of Demeter was introduced there. Eusebius places the building of the first temple in the reign of Pandion; but, according to other authors, it is more ancient. Celeus is said to have been king of Eleusis when Demeter first arrived there.
    At one period Eleusis was powerful enough to contend with Athens for the sovereignty of Attica. This was in the time of Eumolpus. The controversy was ended by a treaty, wherein it was stipulated that Eleusis should yield to the control of Athens, but that the sacred rites of Demeter should be celebrated at the former city. Demeter and Triptolemus were both worshipped here with peculiar solemnity, and here also was shown the Rarius Campus, where Demeter was said to have first sown corn. The temple of Eleusis was burned by the Persian army in the in vasion of Attica, but was rebuilt, under the administration of Pericles, by Ictinus, the architect of the Parthenon. This magnificent structure was entirely destroyed by Alaric in the year A.D. 396. Eleusis, though so considerable and important a place, was classed among the Attic demes and belonged to the tribe Hippothoontis. The colossal statue of the Eleusinian Demeter, the work of Phidias, after having suffered many mutilations, was taken to England by Dr. Clarke and Mr. Cripps in 1801, and now stands in the vestibule of the University Library at Cambridge. The temple itself was cleared by Sir William Gell, and important excavations have been made by the Greek Archaeological Society since 1887.

This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Megara

ΜΕΓΑΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ
   The town of Megara, the capital of Megaris, a small district in Greece between the Corinthian and Saronic Gulfs, bounded on the north by Boeotia, on the east and northeast by Attica, on the south by the territory of Corinth, and situated a mile from the sea, opposite the island of Salamis. Its citadel was called Alcathoe, from its reputed founder, Alcathous, son of Pelops. Its seaport was Nisaea, which was connected with Megara by two walls, built by the Athenians when they had possession of Megara, B.C. 461-445. In front of Nisaea lay the small island Minoa, which added greatly to the security of the harbour. In ancient times Megara formed one of the four divisions of Attica. It was next conquered by the Dorians, and was for a time subject to Corinth; but it finally asserted its independence, and rapidly became a wealthy and powerful city. Its power at an early period is attested by the flourishing colonies which it founded, of which Selymbria, Chalcedon, and Byzantium, and the Hyblaean Megara in Sicily, were the most important. After the Persian wars, Megara was for some time at war with Corinth, and was thus led to form an alliance with Athens, and to receive an Athenian garrison into the city, B.C. 461; but the oligarchical party having got the upper hand, the Athenians were expelled, B.C. 441. Megara is celebrated in the history of philosophy as the seat of a philosophical school, usually called the Megarian, which was founded by Euclid, a native of the city.

This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks


Phyle

ΦΥΛΗ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΦΥΛΗ
Now Fili; a strongly fortified place in Attica, on the confines of Boeotia, and memorable as the place which Thrasybulus and the Athenian patriots seized soon after the end of the Peloponnesian War, B.C. 404, and from which they directed their operations against the Thirty Tyrants at Athens. It was an Attic deme.

Links

Eleusis

ΕΛΕΥΣΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΔΥΤΙΚΗ
Eleusis. Name of a city on the coast of the Saronic Gulf, a few miles west of Athens that became an Attic deme after having been annexed to Athens in the later part of the VIIth century B. C.
  Eleusis had been the location of a cult to Demeter, daughter of Cronus and Rhea, goddess of agriculture, fertility and marriage, since very ancient times, and was the site of one of her most famous sanctuaries. Because of her relationship with Athens, Eleusis became one of the major sacred places of Greece, especially famed for its “Mysteries”. By Socrates and Plato's time, the “Eleusinian mysteries” were an official festival of Athens celebrated under the leadership of the Archon-King with the help of priests from three noble families (genoi ) of Athens: the hierophant, in charge of exhibiting the sacred objects (the hiera ), was from the Eumolpidae (the “good singers”), the priestess of Demeter was from the Philleidae and torch-bearers (dadouchoi ) from the Ceryces (the “heralds”). These priests tracked their origins to Eumolpus, the Thracian king son of Poseidon and Chione.
  Eumolpus had lived in Eleusis at some point in time in his life and had then befriended its citizens, who later, after he had become king in Thracia, called upon him to help them in their war against Athens and Erechtheus, a war won by Athens, in which Eumolpus was killed. Eumolpus was sometimes said to have instituted the mysteries of Eleusis. The Eumolpidae presented themselves as the offspring of Eumolpus while the Ceryces pretended to descend from one of Eumolpus' sons named Ceryx.
  The “Small Mysteries” were celebrated during the month of Anthesterion (end of February, beginning of March) in honor of Persephone, the daughter of Demeter and Zeus, abducted by Hades who made her his wife in the underworld, and symbol of the seed that has to disappear within the soil before bearing fruit. The “Great mysteries” were celebrated six months later, during the month of Boedromion (end of September, beginning of October), in honor of Demeter herself. The festival lasted 10 days. It included a procession from the Eleusinion, a temple at the foot of the Acropolis in Athens to the Telesterion in Eleusis, along the “Sacred Way” and ended with rites reserved to the initiates (the mystes) that lasted three days. The ultimate symbol of the rite of initiation was an ear of wheat, and the mystes were promised some sort of personnal survival after death in an everlasting life of happiness.
  One noteworthy originality of the Eleusinian mysteries was that anybody could become an initiate without regard to status: initiation was open to free men and slaves alike, to men and women, Athenians and foreigners, despite the fact that, unlike most other mystery cults of the time, the Eleusinian mysteries had an official status in Athens.

Bernard Suzanne (page last updated 1998), ed.
This extract is cited July 2003 from the Plato and his dialogues URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks.


Oenoe

ΟΙΝΟΗ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
  Name of two Attic demes: one from the tribe Hippothoontides in northwestern Attica, along the border with Boeotia, and the other of the tribe Aeantides, in northeastern Attica, north of Marathon.
  The name Oenoe comes from the Greek word oinos, meaning “wine”. The village bordering Boeotia was the cause of a border conflict in the time of king Thymoetes of Athens and king Xanthus of Thebes. As the war was dragging with no end in sight, the adversaries decided to settle the matter by a single fight between their two kings. But Thymoetes was afraid of Xanthus and so, he let it be known through all of Attica that he would leave his throne to whomever would take his place and fight Xanthus.
  Melanthus, a descendant of Neleus, king of Pylos in Messenia (the father of Nestor), who had settled in Attica after being ousted from Pylos by the Heraclidae, volunteered. When the fight was about to start, Dionysus appeared behind Xanthus under the guise of an armed warrior. Not knowing what was happening, Melanthus accused Xanthus of violating the rules of the fight by bringind an assistant. Xanthus turned his head to see who was following him and Melanthus took advantage of this to kill him with his spear. After that, Melanthus became king of Athens (he was the father of Codrus) and the Athenians built a temple to Dionysus on the location of the fight.

Bernard Suzanne (page last updated 1998), ed.
This text is cited July 2003 from the Plato and his dialogues URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks.


Perseus Encyclopedia

Ερυθραί

ΕΡΥΘΡΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
Πόλη των Βοιωτών, κοντά στο πεδίο της μάχης των Πλαταιών. Τον καιρό του Παυσανία ήταν ερείπια (9,2,1).

Υσιαί

ΥΣΙΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
Κάτω από τον Κιθαιρώνα, κοντά στις Ερυθρές (Στράβ. 9,2,12).

Υσιαί

Πόλη των Βοιωτών, κοντά στο πεδίο της μάχης των Πλαταιών. Τον καιρό του Παυσανία σώζονταν μόνο ερείπια της πόλης. Στα ερείπια αναφέρει και μισοτελειωμένο ναό του Απόλλωνα (μαντείο) με ιερό πηγάδι απο το οποίο παλιά έπιναν νερό και μάντευαν (9,2,1).

Υσιαί

Αντίθετα από τον Παυσανία ο Ηρόδοτος παραδίδει τις Υσιές και την Οινόη ως "έσχατοι δήμοι της Αττικής" (5,74).

The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites

Dema Pass

ΔΕΜΑ (Αρχαία τοποθεσία) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
  The Athenian and Eleusinian (Thriasian) plains are separated by a chain of hills, chiefly Mt. Aigaleos, that runs S from Mt. Parnes to the sea W of Peiraeus and opposite Salamis. Communication between them is largely confined to a narrow S gap, through which passes the main motor road from Athens to Eleusis past Daphne, the ancient Sacred Way, and to a wide N gap between Aigaleos and Parnes, which until recently carried only the railway and a dirt track. It was through the latter that Archidamos led the Spartans in the first year of the Peloponnesian War (Thuc. 2.19.2); Agis presumably used the same route in 413 B.C. on his way to Dekeleia (Thuc. 7.17.1).
  Across this N gap, at its narrowest point, is the Dema wall, a barrier built along the line of the watershed between the two plains, and planned to oppose a force coming from Eleusis. This basically rubble fieldwork is 4,360 m long, and for the S two-thirds of that length it is made up of 53 short stretches of walling, separated by openings, which, because all but two stretches overlap each other from S to N, have the form of sally ports. The two exceptions are gateways. Throughout this section the wall is massive, with a broad rampart that at times stands as much as 2 m above the ground to the W. The N third is quite different and looks unfinished. Here the line of the rubble wall is unbroken: on the lower slopes only the foundation course is apparent; on the higher slopes there are remains of a crude breastwork.
  The date of the Dema's construction cannot as yet be determined with any precision. What little evidence there is might seem to favor a date in the second half of the 4th c., but a date in the first half of the 3d must also be considered a possibility. And in this period of a hundred years several occasions, from the threat of Philip after Chaironeia to the Chremonidean War might have prompted so large an undertaking. Without new evidence a choice between this or that event is probably unjustified, especially since the wall could have been built after Chaironeia and then later manned by the Macedonians.
  Thirteen m to the W of the Dema wall, at the foot of Aigaleos and immediately N of the railway are the important remains of an isolated country house of the late 5th c. B.C., now buried beneath city refuse. Low rubble walls that formed socles for mudbrick outline a large rectangular structure (22 x 16 m) with the main rooms facing S onto a court through a colonnade. Ceramic evidence shows that the house was inhabited for only a short time. Historical considerations make it likely that this habitation took place between the Peace of Nikias, 421 B.C., and the Spartan occupation of Dekeleia in 413 B.C.
  Three km farther W, on the highest point of a spur that lies within the pass, are the remains of a fortified enclosure known as the Thriasian Lager. The circuit contains eight towers; within are foundations of a number of buildings; a narrow fieldwork runs from the fort SE down the slope to the line of the railway. This military complex appears to be contemporary with the Dema wall, and may have been built by a force planning to invade the Athenian plain.

C.W.J. Eliot, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Eleutherai

ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΕΡΥΘΡΕΣ
  Some scholars think that this city in Attica corresponds to modern Gyphtokastro (Paus. 1.38.8-9; 2.6.3; 9.2.1-3). Others identify Gyphtokastro with the site of ancient Panakton (Thuc. 2.18.1-2; 5.3.5). It has also been suggested that Eleutherai was located at Myupolis, E of Gyphtokastro, a location proposed by others as the site of Oinoe. The first of the theories seems perhaps the most acceptable; in any case the problematic fortified castle of Gyphtokastro was a site of primary strategic importance on the road that connected Athens, Eleusis, and Thebes.
  The well-preserved circuit wall delimits the summit of a hill, describing an ellipse ca. 330 m long and half as wide, with an average thickness of 2.6 m. There are four gates. The towers, of which eight remain at the N, were two stories high and had doors, windows, and stairways. Three diverse phases in the technique of the wall have been recognized: polygonal with roughhewn face in the remains of an isolated construction inside the N flank of the wall; trapezoidal isodomic with fluted face; and isodomic with smooth face having oblique junctures of the blocks. The polygonal technique would date from ca. the middle of the 5th c. B.C. (it has been called Boiotian), and would therefore precede the construction of the whole circuit, which would then date from the last 30 years of the 4th c. B.C.

N. Bonacasa, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Eleusis

ΕΛΕΥΣΙΣ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΔΥΤΙΚΗ
Eleusis. A small hilly site about 22 km to the W of Athens, lying at the head of the Thriasian plain and on the coast of a lake-like sea bordered by Salamis. Because of its location, it has been inhabited from the Early Bronze Age to the present. Its periods of fame were due to the secret cult of Demeter, known as the Eleusinian Mysteries, celebrated once a year. The cult, introduced during the Mycenaean Age, became Panhellenic in the 6th c. B.C. and acquired universal status in Roman Imperial times. In the Classical period the township was identified with the Sanctuary of the Goddess. It was devastated first by the army of Xerxes in 480-479 B.C., then by the Kostovoks in 170 B.C., and finally by the hordes of Alaric in A.D. 395. The first two destructions were followed by rebuilding; the site never recovered from the last destruction and by the end of the 5th c. it was completely ruined by the Christians.
  Excavations, continuous since 1882, have revealed the ruins of the famous Sanctuary of Demeter. For privacy its area was surrounded by fortifications in successive eras, in Geometric and archaic times, in the days of Peisistratos, Kimon, and Perikles, and in 380-370 B.C. Surviving in good length, they prove that an ever increasing popularity of the cult was followed by enlargements of the sanctuary area.
  At its N edge is the outer court, 65 x 40 m, paved in Roman times. Along the E side of the court we find the remains of a fountain-house, 11.30 m in length, dating from the Roman period. At its two corners, the SE and the SW, triumphal arches identical to that of Hadrian in Athens were erected after A.D. 129. The SW arch, now being restored, is better preserved. Above its single archway we read the inscription, All the Greeks to the Goddesses and the Emperor. That arch opened to a road running along the peribolos wall of Kimon, strengthened in Roman times. On its N side survive remnants of buildings in which the initiates once could find temporary accommodations.
  On the paved court stands the high podium, made of Roman concrete, of the Temple of Artemis of the Portals and Father Poseidon. Built of Pentelic marble before the reign of Marcus Aurelius, it had a front and rear portico with Doric columns. Beyond its NE corner is a well-preserved, unique ground altar of baked brick set in a rectangular court, dating from Roman times. To the S and E the outer court was blocked by the Greater Propylaia and by a fortification wall of Peisistratean times, which was continued to the SE to enclose the township of Eleusis.
  The Greater Propylaia face NE, toward Athens, and form the main entranceway to the sanctuary. They stand on a stepped platform rising 1.70 m above the floor of the court. Of Pentelic marble, they are an exact duplicate of the central section of the Periklean Propylaia of the Acropolis, with an inner and an outer portico fronted by Doric columns. The outer portico, 15.24 m in depth, uses six Ionic columns in two rows in its depth. The inner portico, facing the sanctuary, is only 7.36 m in depth. The cross-wall between the porticos was pierced by five doorways. The floor has survived, as have fragments of the entablature, and even some blocks of its pediment decorated with a bust of its builder, Marcus Aurelius, in a shield. The lowermost step on the E side was interrupted to allow access to one of the sacred landmarks of Eleusis, a well rebuilt by Peisistratos and since then known as the Kallichoron.
  To the S of the Greater stand the Lesser Propylaia. They were built of Pentelic marble after 50 B.C. by the nephews of Appius Claudius Pulcher in fulfillment of his vows over the Peisistratean Gate, the N Pylon, whose flanking tower can be seen under its platform of Roman concrete. At the depth of a forecourt (9.80 x 10.35 m) paved with large slabs, is the doorway, 2.95 m wide. It was sheltered by a prothyron on the outside and a vestibule on the inside. The prothyron, 4.40 m in depth, has two Corinthian columns whose bases and elaborate capitals with winged animals among the corner tendrils have survived. The entablature has an Ionic architrave, on which is cut the Latin dedicatory inscription, and a frieze of triglyphs and metopes embellished with cists, bukrania, and stylized double poppies. The inner vestibule, facing the sanctuary, was fronted by two Caryatids set on high podia. One of these is in the local museum, the other in the Fitzwilliam.
  To the SW of the Lesser Propylaia, separated by a wall built by Valerian, are foundations of structures which served the functionaries of the sanctuary.
  From the Lesser Propylaia begins the ascending Sacred Way, paved in Roman times, which terminated to the S at the Temple of Demeter known as the Telesterion, since in it was completed the Telete, the initiation service. Immediately to the right of the Sacred Way is a cave within which survive the foundations of a 4th c. B.C. temple (2.98 x 3.77 m) dedicated to Pluto. Built of poros stone in the form of a templum in antis, it stands in a triangular court retained by a wall of poros stone. Adjacent to the cave on the S is a stepped platform cut out of the rock, 10.50 x 6.25 m, which perhaps served as a stand from which the initiates followed an act of the sacred pageant, for somewhere in front of it was the Mirthless Stone, another sacred landmark. Above its S side stood a small treasury, some 6 x 2.90 m, by the side of which, still to be seen, is a boulder used as a donation box for small gifts.
  Next to the platform on the S is a deep cutting in the rock in which can be seen the foundations of a building, 14.10 x 11.20 m, whose front was built over an artificially constructed terrace. It was in the form of a templum in antis with a wide stairway in its front elevation. The building was at first identified as the pre-Persian Temple of Demeter, but it is proved to have been constructed in Roman times and perhaps was dedicated to Sabina, the New Demeter. Between this temple and the Telesterion exists a narrow stairway cut in the rock, an ascent to another Roman temple built on the hill.
  No building was constructed along the E, or left-hand side of the Sacred Way. Beyond its edge and limited by the Kimonian wall can be seen remains of the Peisistratean peribolos composed of a stone sole surmounted by a mudbrick wall, as well as foundations of a variety of buildings. Most important of these is a triangular structure of Periklean times with three rows of square pillars: the famous Siroi, or magazines, where the tithes to the goddess were stored. Again on the left-hand side, as we approach the Telesterion, we can see the retaining walls built in the Geometric, archaic, and Periklean periods and in the 4th c. B.C. to support the terrace on which were constructed the successive Telesteria of Demeter.
  On that terrace, above the Mycenaean remains, a fragment of an apsidal wall, built ca. 750 B.C., seems to belong to the earliest Telesterion of the historic period. To that temple and terrace access was obtained through a stairway on the S side near which remains of sacrificial pyres attest to the sacred character of the terrace and its building. Mound 600 B.C. a larger Telesterion, known as the Solonian, was built over the same area of the slope, but on an enlarged terrace. Its SW corner survives, proving that at least the lower part of the temple was built of bluish-gray Eleusinian stone in the Lesbian polygonal style. The temple had an oblong plan, 24 x 14 m, with a double sloping roof ending in triangular pediments. In front of it spread a triangular court where the altars of the goddesses stood. Below the terrace to the NE a stepped platform faces a lower court bordered by an altar and a well. In the archaic period it served the initiates to follow the sacred dances held in front of the well in honor of the goddess.
  In the days of Peisistratos and his sons, 550-510 B.C., the Solonian Telesterion was replaced by a larger one, built of well-cut poros stone over the same area of the slope. Its foundations of hard limestone were lowered to rock level. The temple possesses an almost square naos or cella, 25.30 x 27.10 m, fronted on the E side by a prostoon with perhaps 10 Doric columns in its facade. The roof of the naos was supported by 22 Ionic columns. In the SW section of the naos was the anaktoron, a separate shrine, where the hiera were kept. On three lengths of its walls, interrupted only by the shrine, rose tiers of nine steps from which the initiates could follow the rites. Three doors opened from the naos to the prostoon. The entablature was of poros stone, but its raking cornice and the simas, with ornamental rams' heads at the corners, were of Parian marble.
  The Peisistratean Telesterion was devastated by the Persians in 480-479 B.C. Using its foundations, Kimon began the building of a new Telesterion whose scanty remains prove that it was never completed. Literary (Vitruvius, Strabo, Plutarch) and epigraphical evidence indicates that two different buildings were attempted in the Periklean Age. One was designed by Iktinos and its construction was begun but soon abandoned. The few surviving remains, especially foundations of columns, indicate that it was composed of an almost square naos whose roof, supported by 20 columns, had an opaion or lantern in the center. Its W side was cut deeply into the rock of the hillside. The second building was designed and executed by Koroibos, Metagenes, and Xenokles. It was burned in 170 B.C. and was rebuilt by Marcus Aurelius. The only change made in the original plan was to increase the length of the naos by 2.15 m. What we can see today belongs to the rebuilt temple.
  The Telesterion designed by Koroibos was composed of a square naos, ca. 51 m in length (increased to ca. 53 m in Roman times) and ca. 51 m in width. A good part of its W section was cut out of the living rock. The roof was supported by 42 columns arranged in seven rows of 6 columns in each row. The floor columns supported a second tier of lighter columns and in the middle of the roof there was an opaion. Under the opaion in the naos was the anaktoron, scanty traces of which have been recently recognized; at its NE comer stood a niche containing the throne of the Hierophant. Tiers of eight steps for the initiates were arranged along the walls on all four sides of the naos, interrupted by two doorways on each of three sides, the N, E, and S. In the 4th c. B.C. a portico was built in front of its E side, known as the Philonian Stoa from the name of its architect. Today we have the foundations of the stoa, the stereobate or its floor, some drums of its columns, and parts of its superstructure, all built of Pentelic marble, while the foundations were of poros stone. The stoa measures 54.50 x 11.35 m. The exterior aspect of the naos with its unbroken wall of gray-blue stone unrelieved by columns, solemn and austere, must have been awe-inspiring, well suited to its mystic function.
  Behind the Telesterion, some 7.35 m above its floor, a terrace, 11.45 m in width, is cut in the rock. This terrace, as well as the narrow stairway to the N and the broad stepped platform cut in the rock to the S, are of Roman date. The terrace led to a stepped approach of a Roman temple built on the NE extremity of the hill. The temple had a cella, 18 x 12 m, roofed by a vault and a portico, ca. 4.5 m in depth, with four columns in antis. Perhaps it was dedicated to Faustina the elder, who also had the title of New Demeter. The terrace and the temple extended to the wall--known as the diateichisma, few remains of which survive--that separated the sanctuary area from the summit of the hill.
  The broad stepped platform to the S of the Telesterion faced the S court, where perhaps the rites of the balletys, the pelting with stones, was performed and was witnessed by people standing on the platform. The S court to the E is bound by fortification walls built by Perikles and extended in 370-360 B.C. to the SE and S. The 4th c. wall, averaging 2.55 m in thickness, is the best-known example of Greek fortification walls. Along its inner side was built a long structure divided by cross-walls into six compartments. Its use is problematical; perhaps it served important members of the personnel, or was used for storing the tithes. Along the S section of the 4th c. B.C. wall, where we find the well-preserved Gate to the Sea, exist the foundations of a 3d c. building identified as the bouleuterion, where the City Council, and occasionally the 500 of Athens, met. Farther W from the Gate to the Sea scanty remnants of a long stoa survive, dating perhaps from the 4th century B.C.
  The sanctuary area, cleared to the rock, has yielded remains that enable us to piece together the history and the architectural activity of the site. Of the village itself very little survives. Most important are the remains of the Peisistratean fortification wall that surrounded the N section of the village with its gate toward Athens, the Asty Gate. On the S slope of the hill a well-known relic in the form of a vaulted round chamber with a passage attached to its E side, was taken to be a tholos tomb of Mycenaean times. It has been proved to be a cistern of the 4th c. B.C. belonging to the village.

G. E. Mylonas, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains 47 image(s), bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Megara

ΜΕΓΑΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ
Megara. Located W of Eleusis on the Saronic Gulf, forming a buffer between Attica and the Corinthia. The city may have been of some importance in the Bronze Age. It emerges from the Dark Ages as a Dorian state. During the period of colonization, it was in the forefront, founding important colonies including Megara Hyblaea, Selinus, Chalcedon and Byzantium. The city experienced a tyranny under Theagenes in the 7th c. B.C. and later came into direct collision with Athens over Salamis. She did, however, for a short time in the 5th c. ally herself with her formidable neighbor to the E, and built long walls to connect the city with the port. The rapprochement with Athens was only temporary and Megara went back to her Dorian compatriots, only to suffer Pericles' Megarian Decree of 432 B.C. Comparatively little is known of Megara after the 5th c. B.C.; with a few exceptions her later history is uneventful.
  The ancient city lies on two hills and the saddle between them. Unfortunately the modern town overlies the ancient remains and no systematic clearing has been undertaken. The only major monument even partially brought to light is a large fountain-house, apparently mentioned by Pausanias and assigned by him to the tyrant Theagenes. The building, as cleared, is a rectangle (13.69 x ca. 21 m) consisting of two parallel water reservoirs and draw basins. The front, or S, of the structure is still under modern houses, but it probably carried a Doric porch from which a fragmentary triglyph has been identified. The roof over the water reservoirs, which was probably flat, was carried on five rows of seven eight-sided Doric piers. The two reservoirs are separated by a thin orthostat wall which runs down the center of the building on the middle line of piers. Each reservoir has a separate inlet and outlet into two separate dip basins, and the parapet wall of the latter is worn by the friction of countless amphoras. Recent studies indicate that the building in its present form was constructed at the end of the archaic period and thus cannot be associated with Theagenes. There is evidence for some damage in the 3d c. A.D., perhaps associated with the Herulian invasion of 267, and a final destruction in the late 4th c. A.D.
  To the W of the fountain-house lies another building, only the corner of which has been cleared. Its orientation is thought to suggest that it may be contemporary with the fountain-house. Recent archaeological work at Megara has been confined to chance finds and rescue operations, and some studies have been undertaken on the city's fortifications.

W. R. Biers, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Nisaia

ΝΙΣΑΙΑ (Αρχαίο λιμάνι) ΜΕΓΑΡΑ
  The port of Megara; linked to Megara from 411 on by ramparts, and disputed between Athens and Megara.

Y. Bequignon, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Oinoe

ΟΙΝΟΗ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
  There are two Attic demes of this name.
  1) The site of one presents little difficulty. Belonging first to the Aiantis tribe then later to the tribes of Attala and Hadrian (Imperial period), it is situated in the Marathon Plain 4 km W of the village of the same name and S of the stream known as Charadra. On the N slope of the acropolis is the grotto of Pan and the nymphs described by Pausanias (1.32.7). Nearby is a copious spring, known as Kephalari or Ninoe (whence the popular local name Ninoi). The deme formed part of the tetrapolis along with Marathon, Probalinthos, and Trikorynthos (Strab. 8.7.1).
  2) The second deme belonged to the tribe Hippothontis, later to the tribe Ptolemais; its site is still disputed. It is probably somewhere along the boundary between Attica and Boiotia, in the NW part of Attica.
  Herodotos (5.74) writes that in 507 Kleomenes, king of Sparta, eager to take revenge on the Athenian people and to set up Isagoras as a despot, invaded the territory of Eleusis, while the Boiotians, as had been agreed with him, seized Oinoe and Hysini, demes on the borders of Attica. When Euboia revolted in 446, Pericles learned that Megara had defected. The Peloponnesians made ready to invade Attica and the Athenian garrisons were massacred by the Megarians, except for one which had taken refuge in Nisaia (Thuc. 1.114). The Peloponnesians invaded Attica, penetrating as far as Eleusis and Thria: this was not only the direct route, blocking the passage from Pagai to Athens, but also the shortest, as it went through Panakton and Eleutheres as well as Oinoe. Finally, when war broke out, Thucydides (2.18) shows King Archidamos invading Attica by way of Oinoe, the first point of contact between the Peloponnese and Attica--which is unexpected, to say the least, seeing that the direct route went through Megara and Eleusis and along the coast. Thucydides notes unmistakably: Oinoe, which is on the frontier of Attica and Boiotia, was in fact fortified, and Athens used it as an advance post in time of war. They therefore organized these assaults and, in this way among others, lingered there (Thuc. 2.18.2). The Athenians, as is well known, took advantage of this delay to carry all their possessions in to safety, and the Peloponnesians grew impatient at this period of waiting imposed on them by their king, Archidamos. In spite of the pessimism of one scholar: Its site is uncertain; for we have no specific archaeological evidence, and the literary evidence is vague, this important text allows us to select a site from those that have been suggested. Oinoe is clearly in the region of Boiotia and Attica, belonging now to one, now to the other (Strab. 9.2.31). Myoupolis, slightly E of Eleutheres, meets the topographical qualifications and possesses some notable ruins; it seems likely to be the site of Oinoe.

Y. Bequignon, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains 1 image(s), bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Pagai

ΠΑΓΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΜΕΓΑΡΑ
  A fortified port on the Gulf of Corinth near Alepokhori on a hill overlooking the sea (ht. 15 m). A rampart was erected by Athens in 460.
  Paliochori and Plakoto. Two forts dominating the Thriasian Plain and the road from Eleusis to Oinoe.
  1. On the hill N of what is known as the Sarantapotamos valley is a trace of ramparts 1.8 m high and 1.8 m thick, built of roughly squared masonry. The site is also called Palaiokastro.
  2. A fortress near the one mentioned above, 21 x 36 m; with a circular tower (2.9 m) and SW wall.

Y. Bequignon, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Hysiai

ΥΣΙΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
  Thought to be situated on the road from Eleusis to Thebes, on the N slope of Mt. Kithairon near Kriekouki on the Pantanassa peak. Noted as early as Kleomenes' Invasion in 507 B.C., it played an important role in the Plataians' invasion (Hdt. 5.74, 6.108). It was in ruins in Pausanias' day (9.1.6; 2.1; cf. Strab. 9.2.12).

Y. Bequignon, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Phyle

ΦΥΛΗ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΦΥΛΗ
  The most direct way from Athens to Thebes led from Chassia up Parnes by a difficult pass to the W of Harma and the deme of Phyle, over the watershed into the Skourta plain, and thus to Thebes. This was the route taken, in reverse, by Thrasybolos in 404-403 B.C. when he brought his followers from Boiotia to Phyle and later to Peiraeus (Xen. Hell. 2.4.2). In the 4th c. B.C. an ephebic garrison was stationed at Phyle (Dem. De cor. 38 and IG II2 2971). The fort was captured by Kassander, retaken in 304 by Demetrios (Plut. Dem. 23.2: surely katastrepsamenos does not have to mean "pulled down"), and returned to Athens. It continued to be used by the ephebes in Hellenistic times.
  To guard this important pass, the Athenians built a compact, well-sited, naturally defended fort early in the 4th c. B.C. In style quarry-faced isodomic ashlar, the outside face still stands to a maximum of 20 courses, strengthened by towers, the one immediately N of the main gateway circular, the others rectangular. Linking these towers was a rampart walk, defended by an embattled parapet of embrasures and buttressed merlons covered with heavy coping blocks. Within the fortification, on its flat summit, are the slight remains of several buildings. From this citadel the guards could sigual directly to Athens.

C.W.J. Eliot, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites, Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains 14 image(s), bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.


Γενικές

Οτρυνή

ΟΤΡΥΝΗ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΕΛΕΥΣΙΝΑ
Αρχαίος παράλιος δήμος της Αττικής. Πιθανότατα εκτεινόταν στο έδαφος των αττικών ακτών απέναντι από την Σαλαμίνα.

Κόμβοι μη κερδοσκοπικοί

Σελίδες τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης

Μέγαρα

ΜΕΓΑΡΑ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

Τα Μέγαρα ως 'Αστυ: Η οικονομία και η κοινωνία των Μεγάρων κατά την αρχαιότητα
Αν επιχειρήσει κανείς να ερευνήσει την ιστορία μιας ελληνικής πόλης κατά την αρχαιότητα πρέπει, προκειμένου να την κατανοήσει σε βάθος, να αναζητήσει την κοινωνική της πραγματικότητα και τους ρυθμούς της οικονομικής της ζωής. Αν ο ερευνητής κατορθώσει να συγκεντρώσει τα κατάλληλα στοιχεία , τότε θα μπορέσει να αναπαραστήσει το ιστορικό παρελθόν, τον πολιτισμό ,ακόμα και την καθημερινότητα των κατοίκων της πόλης αυτής. Πως όμως μπορούμε να επιτύχουμε την αναπαράσταση του παρελθόντος; Η απάντηση είναι μέσα από τα κείμενα αρχαίων συγγραφέων, από μνημεία που έχουν έρθει στο φως, αλλά και από συγκρίσιμα κοινά στοιχεία με άλλες πόλεις της αρχαιότητας.
  Ο Αριστοτέλης στα 'Πολιτικά' του [1252 b 28-31] χαρακτηρίζει την 'πόλιν' ως σύνθετη από κώμες κοινωνία , την οποία οι άνθρωποι συγκρότησαν αρχικά από την ανάγκη τους να επιβιώσουν και στη συνέχεια για να αποκτήσουν ποιότητα ζωής. Η ανάγκη αυτή υπήρξε ο δυναμογόνος εκείνος παράγοντας που προκάλεσε τη δημιουργία του κοινωνικού εκείνου μορφώματος που αποκαλούμε πόλη - κράτος. Η πόλη - κράτος διακρίνεται όχι μόνο για την πολιτική και κοινωνική, αλλά και για την οικονομική, πολιτιστική της υπόσταση. Οι κάτοικοι των πόλεων αυτών έχουν ομοιογένεια, κοινή νοοτροπία, κοινές αντιλήψεις, κι αυτό είναι ένα στοιχείο διαχρονικό για την πόλη των Μεγάρων.
  Η πόλη - κράτος αποτελείται από τον οικισμό που θεωρείται ως το επίκεντρο, ενώ περιφερειακά εντοπίζουμε τις κώμες. Αυτές αναπτύσσονται παράλληλα με τον οικισμό και εξαρτώνται άμεσα από αυτόν. Ο οικισμός διαχωρίζεται από την ύπαιθρο και τις κώμες με τείχη, τα οποία εξασφαλίζουν την αυτονομία της πόλης και την προστατεύουν. Σε περίοπτη θέση του οικισμού βρίσκεται η ακρόπολη , το κέντρο της άμυνας και της πολιτικής ζωής.
  Το μεγάλο ζητούμενο της πόλης - κράτους είναι η αυτάρκεια. Σύμφωνα με τον Αριστοτέλη μια πόλη για να είναι αυτάρκης πρέπει να διαθέτει στον κοινωνικό της κορμό: γεωργούς [πρωτογενή οικονομία], τεχνίτες [βιοτεχνία] , οπλίτες [για να εγγυώνται την αυτονομία ] και ιερείς [για να διατηρούνται τα τοπικά ήθη και έθιμα]. Όσον αφορά την πόλη των Μεγάρων, η οικονομική και κοινωνική τους πραγματικότητα υπήρξε πολυδιάστατη. Ασχολίες όπως το εμπόριο, η γεωργία, η αλιεία, η υφαντουργία, η κεραμική, η βιοτεχνία γενικότερα δημιουργούν ένα πολυσύνθετο πολιτιστικό μωσαϊκό. Από το βιβλίο της Α. Ραμού - Χαψιάδη, 'Από τη φυλετική κοινωνία στην πολιτική' πληροφορούμαστε ότι οι κάτοικοι των Μεγάρων ασχολούνταν σε μεγάλο βαθμό με το εμπόριο και τη Ναυτιλία. Προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση τους ώθησαν η σχετικά άγονη γη τους σε συνδυασμό με την καίρια θέση που βρίσκονταν τα Μέγαρα. Από την πόλη αυτή περνούσαν όλοι οι δρόμοι από τη βόρειο Ελλάδα προς την Πελοπόννησο, ενώ τα δύο λιμάνια, η Νίσαια στο Σαρωνικό και οι Παγές στον Κορινθιακό διευκόλυναν το εμπόριο με την Ανατολή και τη Δύση.
  Το εμπόριο για την οικονομία εκείνης της εποχής, όπως και κάθε εποχής, υπήρξε παράγοντας ζωτικής σημασίας. Το πλεόνασμα της τοπικής παραγωγής διοχετευόταν με τα πλοία αρχικά στα ελληνικά λιμάνια και αργότερα και στις μεγαρικές αποικίες. Όμως τα Μέγαρα είχαν να αντιμετωπίσουν ισχυρό ανταγωνισμό. Στον Σαρωνικό κυριαρχούσε το μεγάλο και πλούσιο λιμάνι του Πειραιά και στον Κορινθιακό η Κόρινθος είχε αναδειχθεί σε μεγάλο εμπορικό σταθμό και άκμαζε στο εξαγωγικό και διαμετακομιστικό εμπόριο.
  Από την άλλη πλευρά, η κοινωνική ιεραρχία στα Μέγαρα δεν αποκλίνει σημαντικά από αυτή των άλλων ελληνικών πόλεων - κρατών. Ανακαλύπτουμε και εδώ τις ίδιες διακρίσεις . Στην ανώτερη βαθμίδα τοποθετούνται οι ελεύθεροι πολίτες με τα πολιτικά τους δικαιώματα. Αν τα δικαιώματα αυτά ήταν περιορισμένα ή σημαντικά , αυτό εξαρτιόταν από την εκάστοτε επιλογή και εφαρμογή του ανάλογου πολιτεύματος. Στη συνέχεια, ακολουθούν οι περίοικοι. Αυτοί ήταν ελεύθεροι, αλλά χωρίς πολιτικά δικαιώματα, οι οποίοι εργάζονταν είτε ως τεχνίτες είτε ως γεωργοί σε κτήματα των πολιτών. Συνήθως κατοικούσαν γύρω από την πόλη. Τέλος στο χαμηλότερο κοινωνικό κλιμάκιο συναντάμε τους δούλους. Αυτοί δεν κατέχουν απολύτως κανένα δικαίωμα, απλά αποτελούν εμπορεύσιμο είδος ή χαρακτηρίζονται ως κινητή περιουσία που ανά πάσα στιγμή μπορούσε να εκποιηθεί ανάλογα με τις οικονομικές ανάγκες του ιδιοκτήτη.
  Αναφορικά τώρα με τον πληθυσμό των Μεγάρων κατά την αρχαιότητα, πάλι θα συμβουλευτούμε ως πηγή τον πανεπιστήμονα Αριστοτέλη. Αυτός διατείνεται ότι μια 'πόλις' πρέπει να έχει τόσο πλήθος, όσο χρειάζεται για να διατηρεί την αυτάρκειά της. Σε ένα χωρίο των Πολιτικών [1267 b 23-30] αναφέρει ενδεικτικά ορισμένες πόλεις και συγχρόνως τον πληθυσμό τους. Ανάμεσα σε αυτές περιλαμβάνονται και τα Μέγαρα με πληθυσμό 5,000-10,000 κατοίκους, αριθμός ιδανικός για την επίτευξη της αυτάρκειας . Εξάλλου, ας μη λησμονούμε ότι ο αποικισμός ξεκίνησε μόλις η 'χρυσή' αλλά εύκολα ανατρέψιμη ισορροπία της αυτάρκειας είχε αρχίσει να απειλείται είτε από την αύξηση του πληθυσμού είτε από κακιές εσοδείες είτε από ισχυρές πολεμικές αναμετρήσεις. Τη μέθοδο του αποικισμού ακολούθησαν και τα Μέγαρα, με πιο χαρακτηριστική την αποικία του Βυζαντίου.
  Ένας ακόμη παράγοντας που ορίζει την πόλη ? κράτος είναι η αυτονομία της,την οποία φροντίζει να καθιστά διακριτή με ποικίλα μέσα. Αρχικά, τα τείχη που περιβάλλουν τον οικισμό της πόλης αποτελούν παραδοσιακό, άμεσο και ορατό στοιχείο αυτονομίας. Το γκρέμισμα των τειχών μιας ηττημένης πόλης εκλαμβανόταν ως ένδειξη απώλειας της αυτονομίας της . Μέρος των τειχών των Μεγάρων, που έχει έρθει στο φως με ανασκαφές αποδεικνύει ότι και αυτή η πόλη υπακούει στον κανόνα των περιτειχισμένων πόλεων - κρατών.

ΝΟΜΙΣΜΑΤΑ
Ενδειξη αυτονομίας θεωρείται και το γεγονός ότι κάθε πόλη κράτος έκοβε και κυκλοφορούσε το δικό της νόμισμα, που συχνά έφερε εγχάρακτα το τοπωνύμιο και κάποια σύμβολα της πόλης ή άλλοτε τη μορφή κάποιου σημαίνοντος προσώπου. Ούτε σε αυτή την περίπτωση τα Μέγαρα εξαιρούνται. Μάλιστα, από τα νομίσματα που έχουν βρεθεί αντλούμε πληροφορίες για την ιστορία και την οικονομική και κοινωνική ταυτότητα της πόλης. Για παράδειγμα οι Μεγαρείς για να τιμήσουν τον οικιστή Βύζαντα, τον ιδρυτή του Βυζαντίου, αποτύπωσαν τη μορφή του σε αργυρό νόμισμα του 7ου π.Χ αιώνα. Σε άλλο πάλι νόμισμα απεικονίζεται ο Ευκλείδης, ο γνωστός Μεγαρέας φιλόσοφος του 5ου π.Χ αιώνα.
  Αλλα νομίσματα φέρουν τη μορφή της Δήμητρας, του Απόλλωνα, του Διός σε ένδειξη αναγνώρισης των θεοτήτων αυτών ως πολιούχων των Μεγάρων. Αλλοτε πάλι, χαράζονται άλλα σύμβολα θρησκευτικής λατρείας, που αντικαθιστούν τη θεϊκή μορφή, όπως η απολλώνια λύρα ή ο τρίποδας.
  Ολα αυτά όμως μας πληροφορούν σαφώς για ένα σημαντικό χαρακτηριστικό της αρχαίας μεγαρικής κοινωνίας, την ευσέβεια και την προσήλωση στην θρησκευτική λατρεία. Επειτα, τα νομίσματα μεταφέρουν πληροφορίες για την οικονομία της πόλης. Οταν για παράδειγμα οι Μεγαρείς χαράζουν στα νομίσματα τους πλοία ή άλλα σύμβολα σχετικά με τη θάλασσα, δεν μπορούμε παρά να συνάγουμε το συμπέρασμα ότι ασχολούνταν σε μεγάλο βαθμό με την ναυτιλία και το εμπόριο, ενώ άλλοτε η μορφή της θεάς Δήμητρας πληροφορεί ότι στις βασικές τους ασχολίες περιλαμβανόταν και η γεωργία. Τα νομίσματα κάθε πόλης - κράτους και κατά συνέπεια και τα μεγαρικά, δεν διακινούνταν μόνο μέσα στα στενά πλαίσια της εσωτερικής αγοράς, αλλά και στο εμπόριο με άλλες πόλεις. Το κριτήριο που διέκρινε το νόμισμα κάθε πόλης και καθόριζε την ανταλλακτική του αξία ήταν η ποιότητα του και η περιεκτικότητα του.
  Σε γενικές γραμμές η αυτονομία της πόλης αποτελεί βασικό συστατικό της ύπαρξης και της οργάνωσης της. Την αυτονομία της πόλης - κράτους πιστοποιούν εκτός από τα τείχη και τα τοπικά νομίσματα, οι πολιούχοι θεοί της, οι ιδιαίτεροι θεσμοί της, η στρατιωτική της δύναμη και το ιδίωμα στη γλώσσα ή την γραφή της [π.χ το μεγαρικό - δωρικό ιδίωμα]. Ολα αυτά τα ξεχωριστά και συχνά σπάνια στοιχεία συνδυάζονται διαφορετικά σε κάθε πόλη και αναδεικνύουν τη μοναδικότητα της. Αυτή η μοναδικότητα ενυπάρχει και ανιχνεύεται και στη Μεγαρική ιστορία.

Κείμενο: Ελευθερία Σαμούρη, Ιστορικός-Αρχαιολόγος
Το κείμενο παρατίθεται τον Σεπτέμβριο 2005 από την ακόλουθη ιστοσελίδα, με φωτογραφίες, του Δήμου Μεγαρέων


Τα Μέγαρα ως 'Αστυ: Μέγαρα και πολιτική οργάνωση
Από τα πλέον σημαντικά συστατικά της πόλης ? κράτους θεωρείται και το πολίτευμα, το σύστημα εκείνο που περιλαμβάνει πολιτικούς, κοινωνικούς, ακόμα και ηθικούς κανόνες και εξασφαλίζει την οργάνωση και λειτουργία της πολιτείας. Στα Μέγαρα ο διοικητικός μηχανισμός λειτουργούσε με τη συμβολή δύο σωμάτων: της Βουλής και του Δήμου, που οι Μεγαρείς, επηρεασμένοι από το δωρικό τους ιδίωμα, συνήθιζαν να αποκαλούν Δάμο. Το ανώτερο πολιτικό αξίωμα κατείχε ο βασιλιάς ή άρχων ή στρατηγός [όπως μετονομάστηκε στα χρόνια της ρωμαϊκής κυριαρχίας]. Σε συνάρτηση προς τις εξουσίες του βασιλιά υπήρχε ένα συμβουλευτικό σώμα, ένα είδος Γερουσίας, αποτελούμενη από την συναρχία των 5 δημιουργών, οι οποίοι αργότερα μετονομάστηκαν σε στρατηγούς. Κάθε πόλη - κράτος , οποιοδήποτε κι αν ήταν το πολίτευμα της είχε το Πρυτανείο, το Βουλευτήριο και την Αγορά της. Στο Πρυτανείο και στο Βουλευτήριο πραγματοποιούνταν συνελεύσεις και εκλαμβάνονταν σημαντικές πολιτικές αποφάσεις.
  Από την άλλη πλευρά η Αγορά αποτελούσε το επίκεντρο της ζωής της πόλης. Εκεί οι πολίτες συγκεντρώνονταν καθημερινά, εμπορεύονταν, συνομιλούσαν, ενημερώνονταν και σχολίαζαν όλες τις εξελίξεις της πόλης τους. Η Αγορά των αρχαίων Μεγάρων βρισκόταν σχεδόν στην ίδια περιοχή που βρίσκεται το εμπορικό κέντρο της σύγχρονης πόλης. Επιπλέον όπως όλες οι πόλεις, έτσι και τα Μέγαρα διέθεταν συν τοις άλλοις ιερά, δημόσια κτήρια και γυμνάσια.
  Τα Μέγαρα κατά την αρχαιότητα παρουσίασαν έντονη ρευστότητα ως προς της πολιτικές τους κατευθύνσεις και επιλογές. Συγχρόνως, πολιτειακά προβλήματα απασχολούσαν συχνά τους Μεγαρείς. Στην ιστορική μας συνείδηση η πολιτική ταυτότητα της Αθήνας ταυτίζεται με την δημοκρατία, της Σπάρτης με την ολιγαρχία, όσον αφορά όμως τα Μέγαρα δεν είναι εύκολο να καταλήξουμε σε σαφή και ασφαλή συμπεράσματα. Οι αλλαγές στο πολίτευμα ήταν συχνές και οι συνωμοσίες και οι ανατροπές υπαρκτές. Χαρακτηριστικό είναι το παράδειγμα του Θεαγένη. Ανέτρεψε το αριστοκρατικό πολίτευμα για να επιβάλλει τυραννίδα και στη συνέχεια, όταν άρχισε να χάνει τον συγκεντρωτικό έλεγχο της εξουσίας, ανετράπη και ο ίδιος μετά από συνωμοσία. Με άλλα λόγια , η πολιτειακή ταυτότητα των Μεγάρων παρουσιάζει εξαιρετικό ενδιαφέρον καθώς με πραξικοπήματα, συνωμοσίες και ανατροπές περνάμε από την αριστοκρατία στην ολιγαρχία, στην τυραννία, στην δημοκρατία. Αν επιχειρούσαμε να αποδώσουμε σε μορφή συνάρτησης αυτές τις πολιτειακές εναλλαγές, σίγουρα το αποτέλεσμα θα ήταν εντυπωσιακό. Το γεγονός ότι οι Μεγαρείς εναλλάσσουν πολιτειακά μορφώματα στην εξουσία δεν αποτελεί δείγμα πολιτικής ανωριμότητας ή απουσίας πολιτικής παιδείας. Αντίθετα, είναι πιθανό να είχαν αντιληφθεί ότι σκοπός του πολιτεύματος είναι η επιβίωση και η ευημερία της πόλης και ότι όταν ένα πολίτευμα δεν συμβάλλει δραστικά προς αυτό τον σκοπό πρέπει να αντικαθίσταται.
  Κατά τη διάρκεια του 7ου αιώνα π.Χ πραγματοποιούνται σημαντικές αλλαγές. Τα Μέγαρα συμμετέχουν στον αποικιστικό πυρετό και ιδρύουν μια σειρά από αποικίες όπως τα Μέγαρα Υβλαία στη Σικελία το 728 π.Χ., την Προποντίδα το 680 π.Χ., το Βυζάντιο το 660 π.Χ. Αυτή η κίνηση καθιστά τα Μέγαρα ναυτική δύναμη και ανταγωνίστρια των ισχυρών ναυτικών πόλεων. Την ίδια εποχή στην εξουσία της πόλης ανέρχεται ο Θεαγένης και ακολουθεί το πραξικόπημα του γαμπρού του Κύλωνα, που είναι γνωστό ως Κυλώνειο άγος. Ο 6ος αιώνας χαρακτηρίζεται από συχνές και έντονες αντιπαραθέσεις στο πολιτικό σκηνικό μεταξύ ολιγαρχικών και δημοκρατικών. Ταυτόχρονα, ο ανταγωνισμός με την Αθήνα και την Κόρινθο προκαλεί περαιτέρω προβλήματα, που απολήγουν σε μια σειρά συρράξεων με αποκορύφωμα την προσάρτηση της Σαλαμίνας στην Αθήνα. Ωστόσο ο 6ος αιώνας π.Χ., όπως αργότερα και ο 4ος π.Χ., υπήρξε για τα Μέγαρα περίοδος ακμής για τις τέχνες και τα γράμματα.
  Οι Μεγαρείς θα δηλώσουν την παρουσία τους και στα Μηδικά, δηλαδή τους Περσικούς πολέμους. Ειδικότερα, έδωσαν δυναμικά το παρόν στη ναυμαχία της Σαλαμίνας με 20 πλοία και διέθεσαν 3000 οπλίτες στο πεδίο της μάχης στις Πλαταιές. Μετά τα Μηδικά, ακολουθεί η άνοδος της Αθηναϊκής ηγεμονίας, που προκάλεσε τη δημιουργία δύο αντίπαλων συνασπισμών με επίκεντρο την Σπάρτη και την Αθήνα. Τα Μέγαρα παίζουν σημαντικό ρόλο σε αυτή τη αναμέτρηση κυρίως λόγω της καίριας γεωγραφικής τους θέσης. Τόσο η Αθήνα όσο και η Σπάρτη επιθυμούν να περιλάβουν την πόλη αυτή στη σφαίρα επιρροής τους και έτσι τα Μέγαρα αναγκάζονται να προσχωρούν πότε στο ένα στρατόπεδο και πότε στο άλλο. Όταν όμως το 446 π.Χ αποστάτησαν από την αθηναϊκή συμμαχία και προσεταιρίστηκαν την άλλοτε αντίπαλη τους Κόρινθο προκάλεσαν την εφαρμογή του Μεγαρικού ψηφίσματος, ένα είδος εμπάργκο των προϊόντων και των υπηρεσιών των Μεγαρέων στα λιμάνια και τα εμπορικά κέντρα που είχε υπό τον έλεγχο της η Αθήνα. Τα γεγονότα αυτά οδήγησαν στο ξέσπασμα του Πελοποννησιακού πολέμου, ο οποίος επηρέασε αρνητικά την ζωή και την εξέλιξη της μεγαρικής κοινωνίας. Τα σημαντικά για την οικονομία της πόλης λιμάνια Νίσαια και Μινώα καταλήφθηκαν. Η κατάσταση άλλαξε ριζικά τον 4ο αιώνα π.Χ. οπότε παρατηρείται ακμή σε όλους τους τομείς και κυρίως στα γράμματα, στις τέχνες , αλλά και στην οικονομία. Κατά τα ελληνιστικά χρόνια τα Μέγαρα περνούν υπό την δικαιοδοσία του Κάσσανδρου και το 307 π.Χ. καταλαμβάνονται από τον Δημήτριο τον Πολιορκητή. Οι συνέπειες αυτής της κατάκτησης ήταν καταστροφικές για την τοπική οικονομία , καθώς ο Δημήτριος φεύγοντας πήρε ως λάφυρο τους δούλους της πόλης, οι οποίοι αποτελούσαν το εργατικό της δυναμικό. Τέλος, το 146 π.Χ. τα Μέγαρα υποπίπτουν στην ρωμαϊκή κατάκτηση και προσαρτώνται στην αυτοκρατορία της Ρώμης. Αυτή είναι και η απαρχή μιας ραγδαίας παρακμής, που καλύπτει όλους τους τομείς και βυθίζει την πόλη στο σκοτάδι της λήθης.

Κείμενο: Ελευθερία Σαμούρη, Ιστορικός-Αρχαιολόγος
Το κείμενο παρατίθεται τον Σεπτέμβριο 2005 από την ακόλουθη ιστοσελίδα του Δήμου Μεγαρέων


Το Μεγαρικό ψήφισμα: Οι αιτίες που το προκάλεσαν
Οι σχέσεις των Μεγάρων με την Αθήνα, κατά την αρχαιότητα, μόνο περιστασιακά ήταν καλές. Συχνά, εξαιτίας των πολιτικών διαφορών μεταξύ των δύο πόλεων αλλά και για σημαντικούς οικονομικούς λόγους, οι κρίσεις διαδέχονταν η μία την άλλη, δημιουργώντας μια ατμόσφαιρα αρκετά τεταμένη. Η κατάσταση οξύνθηκε κατά τη διάρκεια του 5ου π.Χ. αιώνα. Αυτή είναι η εποχή, που οι μεγάλες πόλεις - κράτη επιδιώκουν να αυξήσουν την επιρροή τους και να επεκτείνουν την κυριαρχία τους στις άλλες πόλεις. Μετά το τέλος των Μηδικών πολέμων αρχίζουν σταδιακά να δημιουργούνται οι μεγάλοι συνασπισμοί: η Αθηναϊκή ή Δηλιακή συμμαχία υπό την ηγεμονία της Αθήνας και η Πελοποννησιακή συμμαχία με επίκεντρο τη Σπάρτη. Οι δύο αυτές πόλεις - κράτη αναπτύσσουν μεταξύ τους ισχυρό ανταγωνισμό δυνάμεων. Αυτός ο ανταγωνισμός κατέληξε στον Πελοποννησιακό πόλεμο, στον οποίο ενεπλάκησαν οι δύο συμμαχίες και ο οποίος διήρκησε 27 χρόνια ( 437- 404 π. Χ.). Το Μεγαρικό ψήφισμα ήταν μια από τις βασικές αιτίες του πολέμου.
  Κατά το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του 5ου π.Χ. αιώνα τόσο η Αθήνα όσο και η Σπάρτη επιδιώκουν να θέσουν υπό την επιρροή τους την πόλη - κράτος των Μεγάρων, λόγω της στρατηγικής θέσης της, προκειμένου να την καταστήσουν προμαχώνα κατά του αντιπάλου τους. Κάτω από αυτές τις δυσμενείς συνθήκες και στο επίκεντρο ενός κυκεώνα προτάσεων, απειλών ή εκβιασμών τα Μέγαρα υποχρεώνονται πότε να προσχωρούν στο ένα στρατόπεδο και πότε στο άλλο, προσπαθώντας να διαφυλάξουν την ανεξαρτησία τους. Ο R. Meiggs (1972) μας πληροφορεί ότι το 460 π.Χ. τα Μέγαρα διατηρούσαν συμμαχία με τη Σπάρτη. Όμως την ίδια εποχή ξέσπασε ο Μεγακορινθιακός πόλεμος με αφορμή συνοριακές διαφορές. Τότε οι Μεγαρείς αθέτησαν τους όρκους της Πελοποννησιακής συμμαχίας και ζήτησαν τη βοήθεια των Αθηναίων. Η Αθήνα για να αποδείξει ότι είναι ικανή να προστατεύει τους συμμάχους της τοποθέτησε φρουρές στα λιμάνια Νίσαια και Μινώα και ανέλαβε να ανοικοδομήσει τα μακρά τείχη των Μεγάρων.
  Ωστόσο, η συμμαχία με την Αθήνα διακόπηκε βίαια. Το 446 π.Χ. οι Μεγαρείς αποστάτησαν από την Αθηναϊκή συμμαχία κι έφτασαν σε ακρότητες σκοτώνοντας τους Αθηναίους φρουρούς που είχαν τοποθετηθεί στα λιμάνια τους. Ο V. Garlan (1975) αναφέρει ότι μετά από αυτό το γεγονός η κρίση στις σχέσεις των δύο πόλεων ήταν αδιαμφισβήτητη και εντάθηκε περισσότερο όταν οι Μεγαρείς προσχώρησαν εκ νέου στην Πελοποννησιακή συμμαχία.
  Στην πραγματικότητα οι λόγοι της έντασης δεν ήταν μόνο πολιτικοί, αλλά κυρίως οικονομικοί. Η Αθήνα ταυτόχρονα με την εδραίωση της συμμαχίας της αναδείχθηκε σε ναυτική δύναμη πρώτου μεγέθους κι έτσι κατόρθωσε να επεκτείνει την επιρροή της και στα νησιά του Αιγαίου και έως την Πρoπoντίδα. Ο G. de Croix (1982) παρατηρεί ότι η θαλασσοκρατορία των Αθηνών έπληττε άμεσα τα οικονομικά συμφέροντα των Μεγαρέων, καθώς υποβάθμιζε τα λιμάνια τους. Αντίθετα, το λιμάνι του Πειραιά είχε καταστεί πανελλήνιο διαμετακομιστικό κέντρο, που χαρακτηριζόταν από πρωτοφανή εμπορική κίνηση και οικονομική ευρωστία. Μάλιστα, ο Πειραιάς γνώρισε τέτοια ανάπτυξη, ώστε κατά τη δεκαετία 440 - 430 π.Χ. το Μεγαρικό εμπόριο αναγκαστικά εξαρτιόταν σε μεγάλο βαθμό από την Αθήνα και τις σύμμαχες πόλεις της. Μέσα σ' αυτό το κλίμα της οικονομικής δυσπραγίας τόσο τα Μέγαρα όσο και η Αίγινα, η οποία δυσανασχετούσε για τους ίδιους λόγους, εκδήλωναν με κάθε ευκαιρία τις αντιαθηναϊκές τους διαθέσεις. Στα σύνορα της Αττικής, τα Μέγαρα και η Αίγινα αποτελούσαν δύο δυνάμεις; που καιροφυλακτούσαν να βλάψουν την κατάλληλη στιγμή την αθηναϊκή υπερδύναμη. Η κρίση θα κορυφωθεί το 432 π.Χ. με την εφαρμογή του Μεγαρικού ψηφίσματος που είχε ολέθριες συνέπειες για την οικονομική ζωή των Μεγάρων.
  Η κρίση που διέκρινε τις σχέσεις των Μεγάρων με την Αθήνα, ιδιαίτερα από το 446 π.χ., κλιμακωνόταν σταδιακά φέρνοντας τις δύο συμμαχίες, Αθηναϊκή και Πελοποννησιακή, πιο κοντά στο αδιέξοδο του πολέμου. Το δυσοίωνο αυτό κλίμα δημιουργήθηκε κι από μεμονωμένα πολιτικά γεγονότα, τα οποία προκαλούσαν πότε την αντίδραση των Μεγάρων και πότε της Αθήνας. Είναι χαρακτηριστικό ότι η αθηναϊκή πολιτική είχε ενεργήσει αρνητικά στις σχέσεις της πόλης - κράτους των Μεγάρων με τις αποικίες της. Συγκεκριμένα, ο Περικλής είχε πραγματοποιήσει περιοδεία με τον αθηναϊκό στόλο στον Πόντο και την Προποντίδα, περιοχές όπου οι Μεγαρείς είχαν ιδρύσει σημαντικές αποικίες (Βυζάντιο, Χαλκηδόνα κ.α.). Στόχος του Περικλή ήταν να επιδείξει τη δύναμη της Αθήνας και να κάνει γνωστό το ενδιαφέρον του για τις παράλιες αυτές πόλεις. Σύμφωνα με τον L. Montoneri (1984) αποτέλεσμα αυτού του πολιτικού ταξιδιού ήταν να αποστατήσουν οι μεγαρικές αποικίες και να προσχωρήσουν στη συμμαχία της Αθήνας. Έτσι, η αθηναϊκή κυριαρχία εδραιώθηκε στις πόλεις εκείνες που είχαν ιδρύσει οι Μεγαρείς και στις οποίες είχαν αποικιακά δικαιώματα. Το 434 π.Χ. οι Μεγαρείς προκάλεσαν το μένος των Αθηναίων, όταν έσπευσαν με 12 πλοία να βοηθήσουν τους Κορίνθιους στην εκστρατεία τους ενάντια στην Κέρκυρα (Θ ουκ. Α' 24-25). Η Κόρινθος ήταν σημαντική ναυτική δύναμη και σφοδρός αντίπαλος της Αθήνας.
  Η ένταση κορυφώνεται το 432 π.Χ., όταν μετά από πρόταση του Περικλή, η αθηναϊκή εκκλησία του Δήμου ενέκρινε το Μεγαρικό ψήφισμα: Όπως μας πληροφορεί ο Θουκυδίδη ς (Α' 139) το ψήφισμα αυτό απαγόρευε στους Μεγαρείς, οι οποίοι ήταν μέλη της Πελοποννησιακής Συμμαχίας, να χρησιμοποιούν τα λιμάνια των πόλεων της Αθηναϊκής συμμαχίας, αλλά ούτε και τις αγορές της Αττικής ("μη χρήσθαι τοις λιμέσι τοις εν Αθηναίων αρχή μηδέ τη Αττική αγορά"). Αφορμή για να ψηφιστεί αυτό το μέτρο εναντίον των Μεγαρέων ήταν ο φόνος του Αθηναίου κήρυκα Ανθεμοκρίτου. Σύμφωνα με τον Παυσανία (1.36.3) ο Περικλής είχε στείλει τον κήρυκα αυτόν για να κατηγορήσει τους Μεγαρείς για την ασέβειά τους να καλλιεργούν τα ιερά κτήματα της Ελευσίνας και να δίνουν καταφύγιο στην πόλη τους σε δραπέτες δούλους των Αθηναίων.
  Το Μεγαρικό ψήφισμα ισοδυναμούσε με οριστική καταδίκη του Μεγαρικού εμπορίου. Ουσιαστικά, πρόκειται γiα αποκλεισμό, εμπάργκο των μεγαρικών προϊόντων, εφόσον απαγορευόταν να διακινούνται σε πολλές σημαντικές αγορές. Αν οι Μεγαρείς επιθυμούσαν να συνεχίσουν την εμπορική τους δραστηριότητα, θα έπρεπε να υποκύψουν στην Αθηναϊκή ηγεμονία, εφόσον η Μεγαρική οικονομία στηριζόταν κυρίως στις οικονομικές συναλλαγές με τις πόλεις της Αθηναϊκής συμμαχίας. Το μέτρο αυτό που έλαβε η Αθήνα, οδήγησε τα Μέγαρα σε οικονομική καταστροφή. Στην πραγματικότητα, όπως παρατηρεί ο W.Pritchett (1974), η Αθήνα προσδοκούσε με την εφαρμογή του Μεγαρικού ψηφίσματος ότι θα περιόριζε τόσο τους Μεγαρείς, ώστε αυτοί θα υποχρεώνονταν να προσχωρήσουν στη συμμαχία της. Σ' αυτή την περίπτωση, ο αθηναϊκός στόλος θα μπορούσε να χρησιμοποιεί τα λιμάνια των Μεγάρων ελέγχοντας συγχρόνως και τον Σαρωνικό, αλλά και τον Κορινθιακό κόλπο. Παράλληλα, η Αθήνα κατέχοντας τα Μέγαρα θα ήταν σε θέση να εμποδίζει αποτελεσματικά κάθε εισβολή των Πελoπονvησιακών δυνάμεων στην Αττική. Το ψήφισμα ξεσήκωσε τους Μεγαρείς, οι οποίοι με τη βοήθεια της Κορίνθου πίεσαν συστηματικά τη Σπάρτη για να κινηθεί ενάντια στην Αθήνα (Θουκ. Α' 67). Ωστόσο ο Περικλής επέμεινε στην εφαρμογή του ψηφίσματος παρόλο που τα νέφη του πολέμου πύκνωναν απειλητικά. Την επιμονή αυτή του Αθηναίου πολιτικού σχολιάζει με μοναδικό τρόπο ο Αριστοφάνης στους Αχαρνείς: 'Ο Ολύμπιος Περικλής με οργή από τότε άστραφτε, βρόνταγε, κι όλη την Ελλάδα την έφερνε άνω κάτω. Έβαζε νόμους σαν τραγούδια της τάβλας συνταγμένους: έξω κι απ' αγορά κι από χωράφια στεριάς, πελάγου οι Μεγαρίτες έξω! Σφιγμένοι οι Μεγαρίτες απ' την πείνα τους Λάκωνες ικέτευαν να βρούνε τρόπο το βρωμοψήφισμα ν' αλλάξει, σωρό ικεσίες κι εμείς τους λέγαμε 'όχι'. Το Μεγαρικό ψήφισμα ήταν μια από τις βασικές αιτίες για το ξέσπασμα του Πελοποννησιακού πολέμου (431 π.Χ.). Ηταν ένας πόλεμος καταστροφικός που διήρκεσε 27 χρόνια. Κατά τη διάρκεια του και η Αθήνα και τα Μέγαρα γνώρισαν πολλά δεινά. Η ιστορία λοιπόν, μας διδάσκει πως η κλιμάκωση της έντασης και η απουσία διαλόγου συχνά έχουν ολέθριες συνέπειες για την τύχη των πόλεων, των λαών, του κόσμου.

Κείμενο: Ελευθερία Σαμούρη, Ιστορικός-Αρχαιολόγος
Το κείμενο παρατίθεται τον Σεπτέμβριο 2005 από την ακόλουθη ιστοσελίδα του Δήμου Μεγαρέων


Σελίδες εμπορικού κόμβου

Σημερινή τοποθεσία

ΑΙΓΕΙΡΟΥΣΑΙ (Αρχαίος οικισμός) ΜΕΓΑΡΑ
Βρισκόταν βόρεια της λίμνης Βουλιαγμένη, δυτικά της Περαχώρας.

Χασιά Πάρνηθος

ΑΙΘΑΛΙΔΑΙ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΦΥΛΗ
Η θέση του δήμου πιθανολογείται.

ΕΡΥΘΡΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
Βρίσκεται 4,5 χλμ. Α των σημερινών Ερυθρών και είχε ήδη αναγνωριστεί από τον W.M. Leake το 1805. Στη θέση Πηγάδια κοντά στο χωριό Κατσούλας (Ομηρικό Λεξικό Ι.Πανταζίδη).

Λόφος Αγίου Γεωργίου

ΝΙΣΑΙΑ (Αρχαίο λιμάνι) ΜΕΓΑΡΑ

Χάνι

ΤΡΙΠΟΔΙΣΚΟΣ (Αρχαίος οικισμός) ΜΕΓΑΡΑ
ΒΔ των Μεγάρων.

Λόφος Παντάνασας

ΥΣΙΑΙ (Αρχαία πόλη) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ
Βρίσκεται 2 χλμ. Α των σημερινών Ερυθρών, είχε ήδη αναγνωριστεί από τον W.M. Leake το 1805.

Τοπωνύμια

Θρία

ΘΡΙΑ (Αρχαίος δήμος) ΑΣΠΡΟΠΥΡΓΟΣ
Το όνομά του προέρχεται από τις Θριές νύμφες του Παρνασσού, οι οποίες ανάθρεψαν το θεό Απόλλωνα και επινόησαν με τις θριές (βότσαλα) τη μαντεία.

Χάρτες

ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΔΥΤΙΚΗ (Νομαρχία) ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

ΒΙΛΙΑ (Δήμος) ΑΤΤΙΚΗ

Έχετε τη δυνατότητα να δείτε περισσότερες πληροφορίες για γειτονικές ή/και ευρύτερες περιοχές επιλέγοντας μία από τις παρακάτω κατηγορίες και πατώντας το "περισσότερα":

GTP Headlines

Λάβετε το καθημερινό newsletter με τα πιο σημαντικά νέα της τουριστικής βιομηχανίας.

Εγγραφείτε τώρα!
Greek Travel Pages: Η βίβλος του Τουριστικού επαγγελματία. Αγορά online

Αναχωρησεις πλοιων

Διαφημίσεις

ΕΣΠΑ