Listed 100 (total found 1066) sub titles with search on: History for wider area of: "GREECE Country EUROPE" .
AFYTIS (Ancient city) KASSANDRA
The area of Athytos has been uninterruptedly settled for at least
5000 years. Around the middle of the 8th century B.C. settlers from Euboea
arrived. Aphytis, one of the most significant cities in Pallini
(the ancient name of Cassandra), is mentioned by the ancient writers Herodotus,
Thucydides, Xenophon, Aristotle, Pausanias, and Strabo among others.
The city became well known for its Temple of Dionysus, which appears
to have been built in the second half of the 8th century B.C. In the same area
stood the Temple of Ammon Zeus, whose few remaining ruins date to the 4th century
B.C. structure.
The Temple of Dionysus, which dates to the Euboean settlement, and
the growth of Aphytis are mentioned for the first time by Xenophon in his "Hellenica".
In 381 B.C. Agesipolis, king of the Lacedaemonians, besieged Torone.
During the siege he suffered serious burns, and asked to be taken to the "shady
lodgings and sparkling waters" of the Temple of Dionysus, where, according
to Xenophon, Agesipolis died a week later. He was placed in a storage jar full
of honey and taken to his homeland for the official burial.
During archaic and classical times Aphytis was a prosperous city,
minting its own coins, which depicted the head of its patron, Ammon Zeus, the
city's economy appears to have been mainly based on farming and vine-culture.
Aristotle mentions the "agricultural law" of the Aphytians, a special,
singular and interesting chapter in the history of ancient Greek public finances.
Shipping must have played an important role in the economy of Aphytis
if one is to judge by the size of its port, now silted up, which lies in the area
of the small pine forest along the beach.
According to Herodotus, during the Persian Wars (5th cent. B.C.) Aphytis
was forced to support Xerxes sending soldiers and ships, as did other cities in
Chalkidiki. However, it revolted
against the Persians after the Battle of Plataea
(479 B.C.) and joined the Athenian Confederacy. As a member of the Confederacy,
Aphytis paid three talents annually to the Temple of Delos, a substantial sum
for that time.
An Athenian "resolution" found in Athytos gives a picture
of the relations between Aphytis and Athens.
This resolution, dated 423 B.C. gave directions concerning the minting of cons
and currency relations in general.
As a result of joining the Athenian Confederacy, Aphytis was besieged
during the Peloponnesian War by the Lacedaemonian general Lysander. According
to Pausanias, the patron of Aphytis, Ammon Zeus, appeared in a dream to Lysander
and urged him to raise the siege, which he did.
It is likely that Aphytis was destroyed by Philip of Macedon in 348
B.C., as were the rest of the cities in Chalkidiki. However, the construction
of the Temple of Ammon Zeus during the second half of the 4th cent. B.C. implies
that the city was prosperous. It has also been suggested that the Macedonian kings
contributed to the construction of the temple. During Hellenistic and Roman times
the city minted coins again; an event possibly related to the fame of the Temple
of Ammon Zeus. Strabo mentions Aphytis among the five cities, which existed in
Pallini in the first century
B.C. (Cassandrea, Aphytis,
Mendi, Scioni
and Sani).
(text: Gerakina N. Mylona)
This text (extract) is cited November 2003 from the Community
of Athytos tourist pamphlet (1994).
AFYTOS (Village) HALKIDIKI
Strabo mentions Aphytis among the five cities, which existed in Pallini
in the first century B.C. (Cassandrea,
Aphytis, Mendi, Scioni
and Sani).
A long interim period followed for which we have on records of Aphytis.
Traces of the Mediefal wall in the citadel. The present "Koutsomylos",
as well as the continuous use of the same name prove that there was uninterrupted
life in Aphytos also during the Middle Ages. The first written information about
Aphytos comes from Mount Athos
documents of the 14th century in which it is mentioned as "Aphetos".
In 1307-1309, it appears that the village was destroyed by the Catalans,
and for a while its people settled in their farms.
The chapel of the Archangels, frescoed in 1647 (demolished in 1954)
indicated that Athytos was flourishing financially at that time.
Athytos participated in the Revolution of 1821, sending men and suffering
casualties. However, it also met the same fate as the rest of Cassandra:
it was burnt. After the destruction, its people scattered to various parts of
the country, mainly Skopelos,
Skiathos and Atalanti.
Around the year 1827 the refugees started returning, and Aphytos,
mainly due to its position, was a long time the principal village of Cassandra.
In Aphytos settled Captain Anastasis, who ruled the peninsula up to 1834.
(text: Gerakina N. Mylona)
This text (extract) is cited November 2003 from the Community
of Athytos tourist pamphlet (1994).
AVDIRA (Small town) XANTHI
Especially significant is the route of Avdera through Byzantine and
post-Byzantine times. The town was renamed to Polystylon (because of the many
columns), it was the base of the Bishopric it was significant navigational town.
In the later years the inhabitants of Byzantine Polystylon abandoned
the coastal area and moved to the inland where the present village was established
(in about 1720). The first settling spread around the church where today there
are the beautiful traditional houses as well as the restored school in which the
traditional museum of Avdera is housed.
The archaeological excavation which started in the region in 1950
by the significant archeologist Dimitrios Lazaridis brought to light several parts
of the ancient city of Avdera.
The walls, the Acropolis of ancient theatre, the classic and Hellenistic cemetery,
Byzantine Acropolis "Polystylon" and the Episcopal temple.
Many of the most valuable findings are exhibited in the newly established
Archaeological museum
of Avdera where the visitor can admire the great History and Spirit of Avdera.
Last sopping in the route of Municipality
of Avdera and we reach the Minor
Asia catastrophe and the exchange of population. The villages of Myrodato,
New Kessani, Pezoula
and Giona, are inhabited
by refugees of east Thrace
and east Romilia who were expelled from their countries and headed for the inland
of Thrace where with hard
work and many difficulties established the present villages. Also the village
of Mandra is inhabited by
refugees who came from the Serdivan Town. Typical feature of the refugees historical
route are the rare heirloom, the books and other items of great value which with
great belief and adoration they delivered on the day of the expulsion.
This text (extract) is cited October 2003 from the Municipality
of Avdera tourist pamphlet.
ERMIONI (Ancient city) ARGOLIS
Historian Strabo, making mention of Ermioni, the town lying on the
northeastern end of Argolis
with a history that stretches far back into times points out that “δ’
εστίν ων ουκ ασήμων πόλεων” (it is not one of the lesser towns).
Built and later rebuilt on the same site, it has been inhabited since
3000BC. In his works, such as the Iliad, Homer makes mention of Ermioni’s
participation in the Trojan War. The town flourished in the 5th century BC. In
antiquity, it grew in importance due to agriculture, shipbuilding and fishery;
yet, it mainly gained a reputation for the wealth of its coasts attributed to
a rare species of a purple mollusk, the porphyra, wherefrom local inhabitants
obtained by means of a special process a purple dye used for dyeing the palliums
of kings, such as Alexander the Great. Certain finds, such as silver and bronze
coins depicting goddess of earth Demeter dating from 550BC come to manifest the
affluence experienced in the area. The latter is also confirmed by the existence
of many music instructors, such as the great dithyrambist Lasos who tutored the
lyric poet Pindar.
In roman times, Ermioni witnessed considerable prosperity, as well.
The aqueduct that carried water to a number of rock-hewn cisterns found across
the highly populated town was completed at that time. Traveler Pausanias who visited
the area in the 2nd century AD describes with admiration the lavish temples, the
festivals, the music contests and swimming races that suffused the area with glory.
Ermioni’s historical course was also marked by Byzantine rule and concomitant
development.
A paleo-Christian three-aisled basilica with impressive mosaic floors
found at the southeastern side of today’s Town Hall attests to the existence
and predominance of early Christian worship in the area. During the Frankish occupation,
Ermioni was encircled by walls that were erected on the remains of ancient structures,
thus, acquiring the name Kastri (castle).
After hard struggles, the town fell into the hands of Ottoman Turks.
It survived the Turkish occupation due to its powerful shipping, while many of
the area’s natives took part in several battles fought for the cause of
Greek Independence.
This text (extract) is cited March 2004 from the Municipality
of Ermioni tourist pamphlet.
ISTHMUS KORINTHOS (Isthmus) LOUTRAKI-PERACHORA
If a modern visitor today could imagine the Isthmus of Corinth in
its original, natural state before human purpose and modern technology sliced
a canal through it, he would feel overwhelmed pondering over the excessive hassles
an ancient seafarer had to put up with in order to transport his entire ship and
precious cargo intact across land from shore to shore. To say the least, it must
have been a spectacular feat to slide a ship on a masonry trail known by the name
of - for which ("Corinth of the twin seas") was famous and esteemed
highly in classical antiquity.
Anguish and anxiety were undoubtedly salient features of the Diolkos
experience. Nonetheless, at a time when technology was in a state of infancy,
man's creative mind invented this - all the same cumbersome - method to bypass
a caprice of nature. Of course, seen otherwise, the narrow strip of land which
connected Peloponnisos with the mainland to the north was an unmatched gift which
Nature has bestowed on men. It was quite like a Pandora's Box - if man could only
scale it to a measure which served his diverse needs. The Isthmus of Corinth was
therefore, at the same time, a bliss and a curse of the gods.
Since early times, a number of spirited souls entertained thoughts
of constructing a canal through the Isthmus - in spite of the insurmountable technical
problems such a feat posed. Nonetheless, the record of repeated attempts in this
direction goes to show that human ingenuity and courage were just not good enough.
602 B.C. - 44 B.C.
Ancient writers relate that, in 602 B.C., Periander, Tyrant of Corinth
and one of the Seven Sages of Antiquity, was the first man to seriously consider
the possibility of opening a canal through the Isthmus. Periander is said to have
given up on his plans fearing the wrath of the gods. Pythia, the priestess of
the Delphic Oracle, warned him not to proceed. It is possible that this negative
oracle was provoked by the multitudes of priests in temples around the region
who were concerned about not relinquishing their status of prominence or the influx
of gifts and dedications by god - tearing merchants and seafarers who thronged
lavish Corinth. was an apt ancient remark about the affluent city.
In 307 B.C., about three centuries after Periander, Demetrios Poliorketes
made up his mind to cut a naval passage through the Isthmus. He actually began
excavations before he was talked out of continuing with it by Egyptian engineers,
who predicted that the different sea levels between the Corinthian and the Saronic
Gulfs would inundate Aegina and nearby islands with the sea.
In Roman times - which is to say two and a half centuries after Poliorketes
- Julius Caesar in 44 B.C. and Caligula, in 37 B.C. again courted with the idea.
In 66 A.D., Nero reconsidered earlier plans and, a year later, he set teams of
war prisoners from the Aegean islands and six thousand slave Jews to work on the
canal. They dug out a ditch 3,300 meters in length and 40 meters wide, before
Nero had to rush back to Rome to quell the Galva mutiny. Once there, Nero was
arrested on charges of treason and was sentenced to death in 68 A.D. The unfinished
canal fell to oblivion and was overtaken by tales of superstition and supernatural
lore.
The next historic personality to be associated with the canal of Corinth
was Herod of Atticus. He tried, as also did the Byzantines - but to no avail.
The Venetians were next in line. They commenced digging from the shore
on the Corinthian Gulf but the enormity of the task made them give up overnight.
Thus one attempt after another failed to reverse the inscrutable will
of gods to retain the Isthmus sealed forever. There were many others, whose names
do not survive, who were bewitched by the spell to link their name with such a
superhuman feat.
1830 A.C. - 1893 A.C.
As centuries passed, humanity reached a point where it began to unravel
the secrets of our Universe. Through science and technology, man began to harness
physical powers of an unprecedented magnitude. At long last, the Corinth Canal
appeared within the grasp of man's potential.
Yet the actualization of the dream still had a number of obstacles
to overcome. In the eighteenth century, the Hellenic State having won independence
(in 1830) after nearly four hundred years of Ottoman rule, was missing in material
resources and financial strength to undertake such a costly task. Capodistrias,
contemporary Governor of State, commissioned a special study on the canal project.
The conclusions of that study made Capodistrias abandon further consideration.
Subsequent studies and proposals submitted to the government were likewise evaluated
as unrealistic and unrealizable and met with the same fate.
However, a final push of sufficient threshold energy came to rescue:
Another mammoth-scale canal project, the Suez Canal opened its gates to naval
traffic in 1869. In view of that event, in November 1869 the Zaimis Administration
enacted a law entitled "Opening of the Isthmos of Corinth". Following
that legislation, the government proceeded to assign the project to E. Piat and
M. Chollet, French contractors.
Nevertheless, the pace of events again hearkened to another tune.
The French contract remained only an agreement on paper. Twelve years later, in
1881, another contractor, a Hungarian general by the name of Stefan Tyrr and aide
de camp to Victor Emmanuel established "The International Company of the
Canal of Corinth" and took over the project. Construction of the canal -
a work which was destined to alter all existing sea routes in Greece, the Adriatic,
Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea - began on April 23, 1882. King George
I of Greece was present at the official ground breaking.
It is quite surprising (and a historic irony) that modern engineering
plans followed almost to the point the plans Nero himself has used long ago. In
other words, the 6,300 meters of canal length which Nero had mapped out still
proved to be the most feasible economic alternative.
The Corinth Canal was completed in 1893. By then, the initial contractor
had run dry of funds and was replaced by a Greek Company under Andreas Singros.
Naval traffic in the Corinth Canal was inaugurated in a brilliant
ceremony held on July 25th, 1893. It was indeed a vindication of a dream first
conceived some 2,495 years ago.
As the tab of the Isthmus and the Canal of Corinth comes to an end,
modern man ought to take heed not to fall prey to a common illusion, namely that
the only thing the future has in store for us is our technology and its power.
The future of man kind will also be shaped, for better or worse, by our time-resistant
fantasies and daydreams. The fascinating tale of the Corinth Canal shows that,
even though sentiment and desire of themselves were not sufficient to make a vision
come alive, they nonetheless sustained it long enough until it could be made to
take place.
1923 A.C. - Nowadays
The Canal cuts the Isthmus of Corinth in a straight line 6,346 m.
long. Canal width is 24.6 m. at sea level and 21.3 m. at bottom level. Depth range
is from 7.5 to 8 meters. Twelve million cubic meters of earth had to be removed
to cut out the entire passage.
The rock formations in the flanks of the Corinth Canal are not uniform
throughout. There are several geologic fissures which run in east-west direction
at a vertical angle to the canal axis. These geologic features were responsible
for a number of major landslides into the Canal at several instances. On account
of these landfalls, the Canal often had to be dosed for repairs. From its beginning
until 1940, the Canal had to be closed to traffic for a total of 4 years. The
most serious such incident took place in 1923, when the Canal remained closed
to traffic for 2 years on account of 41,000 cubic meters of earth which had fallen
in.
Another major interruption of operation occurred in 1944, when the
retreating German Army set explosives to the flanks of the Canal and caused 60,000
cubic meters of earth to cave in. To make repairs even more difficult, the Germans
also sunk railroad cars into it. It took 5 years to clear the Canal for traffic
then.
The flow of waters in the Canal alters direction about every 6 hours.
Usual current speed is 2.5 knots, rarely exceeding 3 knots.
The tide level shifts gradually without a set time pattern. High and
low ebb points are not more than 60 centimetres apart.
There are 2 sinking bridges in the Corinth Canal today at Poseidonia
and at Isthmia - to facilitate land traffic over it.
Safety and economy! These prime objectives of modern entrepreneurial
activity are also basic service features for all Corinth Canal clients. The Canal
is the most favourite itinerary for cargoes and transports among Mediterranean
and Black Sea ports because it is the safest and cheapest access route to and
from all destinations.
Finally, the Corinth Canal is also a region of considerable tourist
attractions. Multitudes of vacationers from every race, creed or color converge
here in a spirit of brotherhood to admire not only the gift from the hand of Nature
but also the miracle worked out by the hand of man. They thus promote both the
welfare of this region and the spirit of rapprochement among nations.
This text is cited November 2004 from the Corinth Canal Management Company Periandros S.A. URL below, which contains images
ITHAKI (Island) IONIAN ISLANDS
4000 BC Neolithic settlements on the island
1174 BC Ulysses’ arrival
1000 - 180 BC Dorian-Corinthian occupation
180 BC - 394 BC Roman occupation
394 - 1185 Byzantine period
1185 Normans occupy the island
1500 - 1797 Venetian occupation
1797 - 1798 French occupation
1809 - 1864 British "protection" period
21-5-1864 Eptanissa become part of the Greek State.
1953 Destructive earthquakes hit Ithaki
PREHISTORY-ULYSSES
Homer’s epics, the Odyssey in particular is believed to have
been written in 1174 BC. In that year Ulysses arrived in Ithaki after his ten-year
roaming. The exact spots mentioned in the Odyssey, where Ulysses went, such as
the Nymphs’ Cave and Evmeos cave, can still be seen on the island. Ulysses,
returning to Ithaki, reigned until his death and he was succeeded by his son,
Telemachus.
ANTIQUITY
Ithaki was conquered by the Dorians fro 1000 BC to 800 BC. Then it
was ruled by the Corinthians until 180 BC when the Romans seized the island.
During antiquity, Ithaki was in a state of decadence despite the organised
settlements.
ROMAN PERIOD
The Romans stayed on the island until 394 AD. Life did not change
much for the local people. Most inhabitants remained in the northern part, which
was the most fertile area.
In 394 AD Ithaki together with Cephalonia
became part of the Byzantine Empire. During that period Christianity was introduced
and many churches and monasteries were built.
FRANKISH OCCUPATION
In 1185 the island was conquered by the Normans. Firstly the Orsini
family (1204) and later the Tokki family (1357) became Ithaki’s rulers.
The island starts flourishing but the prosperity period was interrupted in 1476
when the Turks arrived looting the land and massacring the people. The Turks ruled
the island until 1504 when it was sold to the Venetians.
VENETIAN OCCUPATION
The Venetian occupation lasted until 1797. The settlements in Anogi,
Exogi and Paleohora grew bigger
and Vathi became the island’s capital. Ithaki’s life and economy flourished
once more and the inhabitants’ occupations included agriculture and shipping.
The disruption of Venice in 1797 brought the French on the island. For a short
period Ithaki was ruled by the Russians and the Turks. Later the French re-conquered
the island and in 1809 the British occupation begins.
BRITISH OCCUPATION
During British Occupation the independent "State of the Seven
United Islands" was founded and it was ruled by the Ionian Parliament where
Ithaki was represented by one member. The island’s economy was booming,
the interest in Homer’s epics was great and social life was full of cultural
events. The radical tide together with the international political conditions
led to the union of Eptanissa
with Greece on 21st May 1864.
RECENT YEARS
Despite being under British rule, Ithaki contributed to the Greek
Revolution. A community of people from Ithaki was founded and developed in Rumania.
In the 20th century new streets, buildings and an electricity power station built
in Vathi in 1923 together with the development of the island’s economy,
cultural and social life give to Ithaki the character of a modern island. In 1953
earthquakes hit the island and many of the old settlements ceased to exist. The
state and many immigrants helped to rebuild most of the buildings.
This text (extract) is cited January 2004 from the Assoc.
of Local Authorities of Kefalonia & Ithaca tourist pamphlet.
KAMARINA (Village) PREVEZA
The villages of Souli are to be found (with Kiafa, Avarino, Souli,
Samoniva mostly well known)
among Mourga (1340m. height), Zarroucho (1137 m.) and where the springs of river
Acheron are and where Acheron
crosses river Tsagariotiko.
The inhabitants of those villages had a system of self-government,
divided into 47 "tribes" which formed a special kind of confederacy.
They never submitted to the Turks, till 1803, when Ali-Passas forced them - after
a hard siege, under a treaty - to abandon their villages. But in spite of this
treaty, Ali-Passas ran after them and on 18th December 1803 a group of 56 women
and children withdrew to the steep top of the hill "Stefani" over St.
Demetrious Monastery. From that top, dancing and singing, they chose to fall
off the cliff holding their babies in their arms, instead of becoming enslaved
by the Turks. The Turk Imbrahim Manzur wrote down and published in Paris
1928 (Imbrahim Manzur, Paris
1928, translated by I. Sfyroeras, Papyrus, vol. 25, p. 326) the shocking description
of this event by an eye-witness, a Turk colonel, Souleiman-Aga of Ali-Passas,
as it follows: "Women of Souli, held their hands and performed a dance, showing
unusual heroism and the agony of death awaiting set the rhythm. At the end of
the rhythm. At the end of each chorus women expressed a long piercing cry, whose
echo died out in the death of the frightening abyss of the cliff, where they fell
off with their babies".
A Monument was built there, as a tribute and a symbol in the memory
of the sacrifice of these women of Souli. This Monument, whose sculptor was G.
Zoggolopoulos and architect P. Karantinos, can be reached by going up 410 steps,
starting from St. Demetrious
Monastery. The history of this Monastery
(Holy Monastery of Zalogo) begins around 400 A.C. with the foundation of the
Monastery of Gabriel (destroyed by Germans 1941-1944). The Monastery was transferred
further down around 1700 A.C. and became the church of St. Demetrious. This church
had a dome and very old wall-paintings which were completed in 1816, they were
restored in 1980-90 as well as the rest of the Monastery was restored and renovated
after 1962 when it turned into a convent.
(text: LAZAROS SINESIOS)
This text (extract) is cited July 2003 from the Prefecture
of Preveza tourist pamphlet.
LARISSA (Town) THESSALIA
Its history begins at least 8.000 years ago. A fact that many Neolithic
findings and remnant cottages proving after discover, together with many other
similar finds. It was also Pelasgiotida’s
capital city and met a great economical blossom till 344 B.C., the year that Larissa
has fallen under the Macedonian leaders occupation. In the year 197 B.C., has
been conquered by the Romans and faced also with them a great new acme in culture
and economic prosperity at August’s season. In the Christianized years,
Larissa referred to be as one important administrative military center and the
metropolis location with its Cathedral church under the same name (St Achilles
of Larissa Archbishop), also with its bishop’s palace. Till the year 1423
the town usually receives the Goths, Bissigoths, Bulgarians and Catalonians raids.
By the year 1423 Larissa being under the Ottoman domination, changes its name
to "Yeni Sehir" (New Town). The town has finally liberated on 30, of
August 1881 and joined the rest free Greek areas.
This text (extract) is cited August 2003 from the Prefecture
of Larissa tourist pamphlet.
LEFKADA (Island) IONIAN ISLANDS
Lefkada, or Lefkas, took its name from the white cape at its southeastern
end, Lefkata, which is studded with massive, solid, dazzlingly white rocks.
It is the place where tradition demands that the lyric poet, Sappho,
bring an end to her life and to her unfortunate love for the handsome Phaon. According
to archaeological research, the first traces of life on the island date to the
Neolithic - 8,000 years before the birth of Christ. Important finds close to the
area of Nydri bear witness
to the existence of a culture which had many similarities to that of Epirus.
The Leleges were the first inhabitants of the island whom the king.
Laertes, and the Cephalonians fought against and subsequently conquered, thereby
gaining control of the island. According to reliable archaeological evidence from
the archaeologist, Dorpfeld, Lefkada shows many indications of being the Homeric
Ithaca, the homeland of Odysseus.
Lefkada has made her position known throughout history and never failed
to be included in any of the important Greek battles. She was there with her ships
and her army in the naval battle of Salamis,
at the battle of Plataea,
in the Peloponnesian War on the side of the Spartans and during the campaign of
Alexander the Great.
In the 3rd century BC, Lefkada defiantly resisted the Romans who wanted
to enslave her. During the Byzantine period the island was a part of the domain
of Epirus and in 1293 the despot, Nikiforrus IV, gave Lefkada to Ioannis Rossini.
Rossini was the creator of the Agia Mavra castle, one of the most significant
Frankish castles in Greece.
There followed a long period of Venetian occupation at a time when
the rest of Greece was enslaved
by the Turks and the continuous conflicts with the Turks resulted in the Ottomans
domination of the island from 1503 to 1684.
Lefkada is the only one of the Ionian
Islands to have suffered Turkish occupation fro 180 years. In 1684, the island
once again came under the control of the Venetians, who gave a rudimentary constitution
to the Lefkadians. The liberal ideas of the French Revolution reached Lefkada,
which was, for a short while, dominated by the French. In 1810, the island came
under British rule and, with the revolution of 1821, the Lefkadians made their
presence known in every way possible. Lefkada, like the rest of the Ionian
Islands, was annexed to the rest of Greece
in 1864, and since then her significant contribution to the development of tourism
in recent decades has been growing steadily.
This text (extract) is cited December 2003 from the Lefkada
Hoteliers Association tourist pamphlet (1998).
LEFKADA (Town) IONIAN ISLANDS
Today's Lefkada town dates to 1684 when the Venetian Morosini 'advised'
the inhabitants of the castle to settle outside its walls. The great seismic activity
of those years and the limited economic means of the Lefkadiots played a decisive
role in the architecture of the houses. The type of house which prevailed in the
new capital was the small, mainly two-storey, timber-framed house with a wooden
balcony and tiled roof, and narrow lanes running in between the houses.
The upper floor was usually constructed of wood and mud and the lower
floor of stone, creating in this way an anti-earthquake structure, unique in the
world. With the passing of the years and the regular earthquakes, the inhabitants
would rebuild their houses with the same materials, taking care that the upper
floor was light and covering it with metal sheeting which they would paint in
various delicate colours. This technique is still used today and there are many
houses in the centre of town which still have this metal sheeting.
The upper window-shutters are movable and painted in a strong green
or blue colour. There are no clear influences from Venetian architecture in Lefkada,
as in Zakynthos and Corfu
and the Venetians did not contribute to the building of the town. The old mansions
and the ornate town houses had fireplaces and were built on large plots of land
with gardens and splendid outer gates. One typical such house is the celebrated
home of Zoulinos family, which today houses the Public Library and Collection
of Post-Byzantine Icons of the Septinsular School. The visitor will be able to
see many of the traditional houses of Lefkada, such as the home of Skiaderesi
family with its pretty balconies, on Dorpfeld Street, in amongst the tourist and
other shops.
This extract is cited April 2004 from the Prefecture of Lefkada URL below, which contains images
MESSINIA (Ancient area) MESSINIA
The earliest inhabitants of Messenia are said to have been Leleges.
Polycaon, the younger son of Lelex, the king of Laconia, married the Argive Messene,
and took possession of the country, which he named after his wife. He built several
towns, and among others Andania, where he took up his residence. (Paus. i. 1.)
At the end of five generations Aeolians came into the country under Perieres,
a son of Aeolus. He was succeeded by his son Aphareus, who founded Arene, and
received the Aeolian Neleus, a fugitive from Thessaly. Neleus founded Pylus, and
his descendants reigned here over the western coast. (Paus. i. 2.) On the extinction
of the family of Aphareus, the eastern half of Messenia was united with Laconia,
and came under the sovereignty of the Atridae; while the western half continued
to belong to the kings of Pylus. (Paus. iv. 3. § 1.) Hence Euripides, in referring
to the mythic times, makes the Pamisus the boundary of Laconia and Messenia ;
for which he is reproved by Strabo, because this was not the case in the time
of the geographer. (Strab. viii. p. 366.) Of the seven cities which Agamemnon
in the Iliad (ix. 149) offers to Achilles, some were undoubtedly in Messenia;
but as only two, Pherae and Cardamyle, retained their Homeric names in the historical
age, it is difficult to identify the other five. (Strab. viii. p. 359; Diod. xv.
66.)
With the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians a new epoch commences
in the history of Messenia. This country fell to the lot of Cresphontes, who is
represented as driving the Neleidae out of Pylus and making himself master of
the whole country. According to the statement of Ephorus (ap. Strab. viii. p.
361), Cresphontes divided Messenia into five parts, of which he made Stenyclerus
the royal residence.1 In the other four towns he appointed viceroys, and bestowed
upon the former inhabitants the same rights and privileges as the Dorian conquerors.
But this gave offence to the Dorians; and he was obliged to collect them all in
Stenyclerus, and to declare this the only city of Messenia. Notwithstanding these
concessions, the Dorians put Cresphontes and all his children to death, with the
exception of Aepytus, who was then very young, and was living with his grandfather
Cypselus in Arcadia. When this youth had grown up, he was restored to his kingdom
by the help of the Arcadians, Spartans, and Argives. From Aepytus the Messenian
kings were called Aepytidae, in preference to Heracleidae, and continued to reign
in Stenyclerus till the sixth generation, -their names being Aepytus, Glaucus,
Isthmius, Dotadas, Sybotas, Phintas, -when the first Messenian war with Sparta
began. (Paus. iv. 3.) According to the common legend, which represents the Dorian
invaders as conquering Peloponnesus at one stroke, Cresphontes immediately became
master of the whole of Messenia. But, as in the case of Laconia, there is good
reason for believing this to be the invention of a later age, and that the Dorians
in Messenia were at first confined to the plain of Stenyclerus. They appear to
have penetrated into this plain from Arcadia, and their whole legendary history
points to their close connection with the latter country. Cresphontes himself
married the daughter of the Arcadian king Cypselus; and the name of his son Aepytus,
from whom the line of the Messenian kings was called, was that of an ancient Arcadian
hero. (Hom. Il. ii. 604, Schol. ad loc.; comp. Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. ii.
p. 437, seq.)
The Messenian wars with Sparta are related in every history of Greece,
and need not be repeated here. According to the common chronology, the first war
lasted from B.C. 743 to 724, and the second from B.C. 685 to 668; but both of
these dates are probably too early. It is necessary, however, to glance at the
origin of the first war, because it is connected with a disputed topographical
question, which has only recently received a satisfactory solution. Mt. Taygetus
rises abruptly and almost precipitously above the valley of the Eurotas, but descends
more gradually, and in many terraces, on the other side. The Spartans had at a
very early period taken possession of the western slopes, but how far their territory
extended on this side has been a matter of dispute. The confines of the two countries
was marked by a temple of Artemis Limnatis, at a place called Limnae, where the
Messenians and Laconians offered sacrifices in common and it was the murder of
the Spartan king Teleclus at this place which gave occasion to the First Messenian
War. (Paus. iii. 2. § 6, iv. 4. §2, iv. 31. §3; comp. Strab. vi. p. 257, viii.
p. 362.) The exact site of Limnae is not indicated by Pausanias; and accordingly
Leake, led chiefly by the name, supposes it to have been situated in the plain
upon the left bank of the Pamisus, at the marshes near the confluence of the Aris
and Pamisus, and not far from the site of the modern town of Nisi (Nesi, island),
which derives that appellation from the similar circumstance of its position.
(Leake, Morea, vol. i. p. 361.) But Ross has discovered the ruins of the temple
of Artemis Limnatis on the western slope of Mt. Taygetus, on a part of the mountains
called Volimnos (Bolimnos), and amidst the ruins of the church of Panaghia Volimniatissa
(Panagia Bolimniatissa). Volimnos is the name of of a hollow in the mountains
near a mountain torrent flowing into the Nedon, and situated between the villages
of Sitzova and Poliani, of which the latter is about 7 miles NE. of Kalamata,
the ancient Pherae. The fact of the similarity of the names, Bolimnos and Limnai,
and also of Panagia Bolimniatissa and Artemis Limnatis, as well as the ruins of
a temple in this secluded spot, would alone make it probable that these are the
remains of the celebrated temple of Artemis Limnatis; but this is rendered certain
by the inscriptions found by Ross upon the spot, in which this goddess is mentioned
by name. It is also confirmed by the discovery of two boundary stones to the eastward
of the ruins, upon the highest ridge of Taygetus, upon which are inscribed Horos
Lakedaimoni pros Messenen. These pillars, therefore, show that the boundaries
of Messenia and Laconia must at one period have been at no great distance from
this temple, which is always represented as standing near the confines of the
two countries. This district was a frequent subject of dispute between the Messenians
and Lacedaemonians even in the times of the Roman Empire, as we shall see presently.
Tacitus calls it the Dentheliates Ager (Hist. iv. 43); and that this name, or
something similar, was the proper appellation of the district, appears from other
authorities. Stephanus B. speaks of a town Denthalii (Denthalioi, s. v.: others
read Delthanioi), which was a subject of contention between the Messenians and
Lacedaemonians. Alcman also (ap. Athen. i. p. 31), in enumerating the different
kinds of Laconian wine, mentions also a Denthian wine (Denbis oinos), which came
from a fortress Denthiades (ek Denthiadon erumatos tinos), as particularly good.
Ross conjectures that this fortress may have stood upon the mountain of St. George,
a little S. of Sitzova, where a few ancient remains are said to exist. The wine
of this mountain is still celebrated. The position of the above-mentioned places
will be best shown by the accompanying map.
But to return to the history of Messenia. In each of the two wars
with Sparta, the Messenians, after being defeated in the open plain, took refuge
in a strong fortress, in Ithome in the first war, and in Eira or Ira in the second,
where they maintained themselves for several years. At the conclusion of the Second
Messenian War, many of the Messenians left their country, and settled in various
parts of Greece, where their descendants continued to dwell as exiles, hoping
for their restoration to their native land. A large number of them, under the
two sons of Aristomenes, sailed to Rhegium in Italy, and afterwards crossed over
to the opposite coast of Sicily, where they obtained possession of Zancle, to
which they gave their own name, which the city has retained down to the present
day. Those who remained were reduced to the condition of Helots, and the whole
of Messenia was incorporated with Sparta. From this time (B.C. 668) to the battle
of Leuctra (B.C. 371), a period of nearly 300 years, the name of Messenia was
blotted out of history, and their country bore the name of Laconia, a fact which
it is important to recollect in reading the history of that period. Once only
the Messenians attempted to recover their independence. The great earthquake of
B.C. 464, which reduced Sparta to a heap of ruins, encouraged the Messenians and
other Helots to rise against their oppressors. They took refuge in their ancient
stronghold of Ithome; and the Spartans, after besieging the place in vain for
ten years, at length obtained possession of it, by allowing the Messenians to
retire unmolested from Peloponnesus. The Athenians settled the exiles at Naupactus,
which they had lately taken from the Locri Ozolae; and in the Peloponnesian War
they were among the most active of the allies of Athens. (Thuc. i. 101-103; Paus.
iv. 24. § 5, seq.) The capture of Athens by the Lacedaemonians compelled the Messenians
to quit Naupactus. Many of them took refuge in Sicily and Rhegium, where some
of their countrymen were settled; but the greater part sailed to Africa, and obtained
settlements among the Euesperitae, a Libyan people. (Paus. iv. 26. § 2.) After
the power of Sparta had been broken by the battle of Leuctra (B.C. 371), Epaminondas,
in order to prevent her from regaining her former influence in the Peloponnesus,
resolved upon forming an Arcadian confederation, of which Megalopolis was to be
the capital, and at the same time of restoring the Messenian state. To accomplish
the latter object, he not only converted the Helots into free Messenians, but
he despatched messengers to Italy, Sicily, and Africa, where the exiled Messenians
had settled, inviting them to return to their native land. His summons was gladly
responded to, and in B.C. 369 the new town of Messene was built. Its citadel or
acropolis was placed upon the summit of Mt. Ithome, while the town itself was
situated lower down on the slope, though connected with its acropolis by a continuous
wall. (Diod. xv. 66; Paus. iv. 27.) During the 300 years of exile, the Messenians
retained their ancient customs and Doric dialect; and even in the time of Pausanias
they spoke the purest Doric in Peloponnesus. (Paus. iv. 27. § 11; comp. Muller,
Door. vol. ii. p. 421, transl.) Other towns were also rebuilt, but a great part
of the land still continued uncultivated and deserted. (Strab. viii. p. 362.)
Under the protection of Thebes, and in close alliance with the Arcadians (comp.
Polyb. iv. 32), Messene maintained its independence, and the Lacedaemonians lost
Messenia for ever. On the downfall of the Theban supremacy, the Messenians courted
the alliance of Philip of Macedon, and consequently took no part with the other
Greeks at the battle of Chaeroneia, B.C. 388. (Paus. iv. 28. § 2.) Philip rewarded
them by compelling the Lacedaemonians to cede to them Limnae and certain districts.
(Polyb. ix. 28; Tac. Anns. [p. 345] iv. 43.) That these districts were those of
Alagonia, Gerenia, Cardamyle, and Leuctra, situated northward of the smaller Pamisus,
which flows into the Messenian gulf just below Leuctra, we may conclude from the
statement of Strabo (viii. p. 361) that this river had been the subject of dispute
between the Messenians and Lacedaemonians before Philip. The Messenians appear
to have maintained that their territory extended even further south in the most
ancient times, since they alleged that the island of Pephnus had once belonged
to them. (Paus. iv. 26. § 3.) At a later time the Messenians joined the Achaean
League, and fought along with the Achaeans and Antigonus Doson at the battle of
Sellasia, B.C. 222. (Paus. iv. 29. § 9.) Long before this the Lacedaemonians appear
to have recovered the districts assigned to the Messenians by Philip; for after
the battle of Sellasia the boundaries of the two people were again settled by
Antigonus. (Tac. Ann. l. c.) Shortly afterwards Philip V. sent Demetrius of Pharus,
who was then living at his court, on an expedition to surprise Messene; but the
attempt was unsuccessful, and Demetrius himself was slain. (Polyb. iii. 19; Paus.
iv. 29. §§ 1-5, where this attempt is erroneously ascribed to Demetrius II., king
of Macedonia.) Demetrius of Pharus had observed to Philip that Mt. Ithome and
the Acrocorinthus were the two horns of Peloponnesus, and that whoever held these
horns was master of the bull. (Strab. viii. p. 361.) Afterwards Nabis, tyrant
of Lacedaemon, also made an attempt upon Messene, and had even entered within
the walls, when he was driven back by Philopoemen, who came with succours from
Megalopolis. (Paus. iv. 29. § 10.) In the treaty made between Nabis and the Romans
in B.C. 195, T. Quintius Flamininus compelled him to restore all the property
he had taken from the Messenians. (Liv. xxxiv. 35 ; Plut. Flamin 13.) A quarrel
afterwards arose between the Messenians and the Achaean League, which ended in
open war. At first the Achaeans were unsuccessful. Their general Philopoemen was
taken prisoner and put to death by the Messenians, B.C. 183; but Lycortas, who
succeeded to the command, not only defeated the Messenians in battle, but captured
their city, and executed all who had taken part in the death of Philopoemen. Messene
again joined the Achaean League, but Abia, Thuria, and Pharae now separated themselves
from Messene, and became each a distinct member of the league. (Paus. iv. 30.
§§ 11, 12; Liv. xxxix. 49; Polyb. xxiv. 9, seq., xxv. 1.) By the loss of these
states the territory of Messene did not extend further eastward than the Pamisus;
but on the settlement of the affairs of Greece by Mummius, they not only recovered
their cities, but also the Dentheliates Ager, which the Lacedaemonians had taken
possession of. (Tac. Ann. iv. 43.) This district continued to be a subject of
dispute between the two states. It was again assigned to the Messenians by the
Milesians, to whose arbitration the question had been submitted, and also by Atidius
Geminus, praetor of Achaia. (Tac. l. c.) But after the battle of Actium, Augustus,
in order to punish the Messenians for having espoused the side of Antony, assigned
Thuria and Pharae to the Lacedaemonians, and consequently the Dentheliates Ager,
which lay east of these states. (Paus. iv. 31. § 2, comp. iv. 30. § 2.) Tacitus
agrees with Pausanias, that the Dentheliates Ager belonged to the Lacedaemonians
in the reign of Tiberius; but he differs from the latter writer in assigning the
possession of the Lacedaemonians to a decision of C. Caesar add M. Antonius (
post C. Caesaris et Marci Antonii sententia redditum ). In such a matter, however,
the authority of Pausanias deserves the preference. We learn, however, from Tacitus
(l. c.), that Tiberius reversed the decision of Augustus, and restored the disputed
district to the Messenians, who continued to keep possession of it in the time
of Pausanias; for this writer mentions the woody hollow called Choerius, 20 stadia
south of Abia, as the boundary between the two states in his time (iv. 1. § 1,
iv. 30. § 1). It is a curious fact that the district, which had been such a frequent
subject of dispute in antiquity, was in the year 1835 taken from the government
of Misthra (Sparta), to which it had always belonged in modern times, and given
to that of Kalamata. (Ross, Reisen im Peloponnnes, p. 2.)
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
MONI EIKOSSIFONISSIS (Monastery) SERRES
The Holy Monastery of the Virgin Icosifinissa is built 753m above
sea level and lies in the thick north forest of Mount
Pangeo, on the road from Serres
to Kavala, just after the
village Kormista. It is one
of the 2 Holy areas in Eastern
Macedonia which continue to attract many believers, who came here to worship
the "Icon of Our Lady which is not made by hands" and to rest in the
serene surroundings.
The origin of the Monastery’s name, according to one of the
three versions, is due to the miraculous intervention of the Virgin, which resulted
in making the icon splendidly dark red colored.
During the period of Turkish rule, the Monastery was a shelter for
Orthodoxy and a center of the preservation and revitalization of Greek Nationalism
in Eastern Macedonia and Thrace,
resulting in the fury of the Turks, which was to be succeeded by the fury of the
Bulgarians. The Monastery has repeatedly faced destructive attacks and produced
numerous martyrs.
According to some sources, the Bisthop of Filippi, "Sozon",
who took part at the 4th Ecumenical Synod (Chalkidona,
451), built a temple and a monastic settlement at a place called "Vigla",
50 m east from the existing Monastery and were the extant ruins of a tower provide
evidence of the former presence of an ancient fortress. The temple and the monastic
settlement were abandoned afterwards with the arrival of the first proprietor
of the Monastery, St. Germanos (518 A.C.), who while very young started to lead
an ascetic life at the Monastery of St. John, near the River Jordan in the Holy
Land. Since then and for many centuries, the history of the Monastery of Virgin
Mary Idosifinissa has been completely unknown. Archaeological findings lead to
the conclusion that during the 11th century the main church (katholikon) was rebuilt.
During the same period, the Monastery became STAVROPIGIAKI, that means responsible
to the Ecumenical Patriarch.
In 1472 the Ecumenical Patriarch St. Dionysios resigned from his throne
and came to the Monastery. The presence of this second proprietor lent great prestige
to the Holy Monastery. During his long stay at the Monastery he erected many new
buildings and repaired the old ones, giving the Monastery a new glamour. According
to written evidence of the 16th century, in 1507 24 holly monks lived in the Monastery.
These monks were traveling in Eastern
Macedonia and Thrace reinforcing the faith of Christians and dissuading islamizations.
These actions enraged the Turks, who on 25.08.1507 massacred all the 172 monks.
They did not destroy the church and the buildings, but the Monastery remained
desert and uninhabited for 13 years.
After the tragic occurrence of the slaughter, the Ecumenical Patriarchate
managed in 1510 (or in 1520 according to other sources) to obtain the permission
of the Sultan to reorganize the Monastery. Thus, with the help of ten monks from
the Holy Mount, just ten
years afterwards, 50 monks joined the Monastery but also deacons and holy monks
that undertook the leadership of the Monastery.
During the following years the Monastery became the cultural and national
center of Eastern Macedonia and
Thrace. It was in this Monastery that Emmanouil Papas put his men under oath
and declared the Revolution.
In former days the Monastery hosted a famous Hellenic School and the
library of the Monastery was a significant one. Before being looted by the Bulgarians
in 1917, the library housed some 1,300 printed books and priceless manuscripts.
During those centuries of growth many of the buildings of the Monastery were repaired
and new ones were built. During the second half of the 19th century the Monastery
faced significant difficulties: in 1845 a conflagration burned to ashes the west
wing and a part of the north one while in 1864 a cholera epidemic decimated the
monks. The Monastery was rebuilt thanks to the glorious Metropolitan Bishop of
Drama, Chrysostomos (1902-1910). The attacks of the Turks were succeeded by those
of the Bulgarians, who in 1917 despoiled the priceless treasures of the Monastery.
During the Second World War the Bulgarians, again completed the devastation, burning
the buildings of the Monastery in 1943. The rebuilding of the Monastery started
in 1965 and in a fifteen-year period achieved its present appearance. Today (1997)
the Monastery houses 25 Nuns. The feast days of the Monastery are on 15 August
to commemorate the Rood and on 21 November to commemorate the Presentation of
the Blessed Virgin Mary in the Temple.
This text (extract) is cited September 2003 from the Prefecture
of Serres tourist pamphlet.
PALEOCHORA (Small town) CHANIA
It is also interesting that the town of Paleohora itself is built
on top of ancient Kalamidis.
In 1278 the Venetian general (commander) Marinos Gradengos had the
historical castle of Selino built on an elevation overlooking the Libian
Sea. This memorial of the Venetian era - named the Fortezza, remains today
behind the village of Paleohora.
All of Crete is
a large history book. One story that is buried deep in the ages.
In the larger area of Paleohora, in the ancient times and in particular
in the Hellenistic era (from 400 B.C.), there were there were many city-states
which had control of the smaller cities (villages).
These city-states developed and remained powerful because of thier
physical position on the side of the mountains which provided shelter from pirate
raids.
The larger area of Paleohora is rich in medieval Byzantine memorials
and you can easily visit many small Byzantine chapels with interesting and rare
wall paintings as well as the remains of early Christian churches.
A few of areas which you can visit from Paleohora are:
• Samaria
Gorge
• Agia
Irini Canyon
• Elafonisi
• Chrisoskalitissa
• Sougia
• Sarakina
• Gavdos
and naturally tens of other unrivaled beauty spots.
PARGA (Small town) EPIRUS
Parga this divine land, attracted the attention of gods and daemons.
The icon of Mother Mary along with the multiple memories of fleeing
the settlement of Paleoparga, situated at the facing mountain called Petzovolio,
to the cave outside the castle, convinced the inhabitants to settle on the rock,
where today the castle stands.
Loved by the virgin Mary, and earlier by Mars, the period of her free
life will end on the 15th of April 1819.
Archeological finds, written scripts of the past and legend confirm
that human activity was present in this region from antiquity.
The Neolithic flint stone that was found in an olive plantation, the
domed shaped Minoan grave found on the property of Souida, the ancient wall segment
found outside the grounds of the Venetian castle along with a foundation stone
which constituted part of an ancient dock on the western side of Valtos bay, which
unfortunately was covered by rocks to build a marina, the rectangular shaped graves
on the road close to Anthousa,
all undoubtedly prove the existence of human civilization in the region throughout
antiquity.
Byzantine sources first refer to Parga in 1337 and most likely refer
to the older settlement of the castle and not Paleoparga at Petzovolio. The settlement
at its new position will have to deal this many perils during the passing of time.
For six years Parga will have to endure the rule of the thief Bogoi
(who considered himself as of Alban - Serbian - Boulgarian - Vlahos decent). When
he leaves he will request the protection of the Venetians. Their presence will
be felt between the 15th and 18th centuries. Throughout this period Parga will
be autonomous.
The raids and looting from land and sea will not cease during this
period. Hairetin Varvarosa will be one of those who will loot her.
The situation stabilizes from the late 16th century to the late 18th
century. Parga develops economically, and becomes a trade center. The old customs
office (Dogana) at Valtos still exists up to this day. Dogana also served as a
shelter and outpost for the 'kleftes' (rebels who fought against the rule of the
Ottoman Empire). The water fountain and the house of Boukovala, along with the
well of Androutso bear whiteness to this.
Parga will also stand by the fighters of Souli, as a result feel threatened
by Ali Pasha. During this period of growth, Parga will be visited by Kosmas Etolos.
As a result education will flourish. To name a few of the important educators
of the time: Filotheos the Holy Monk, Andreas Idromenos, Christoforos Peraikos
and Agapios Leonardo, etc.
In 1797 Venetian Rule is abolished by the French. With the treaty
of "the 5th December 1815" Parga is passed over to Ali Pasha of the Ottoman Empire
with the consent of the English who were protecting her at the time.
A significant time in history the period 1816 - 1819 with the endless
negotiations for compensation of the properties for those who decided to abandon
their homeland for Corfu.
With the dramatic climax on Good Friday the 15th April 1819, when they burn their
dead before they leave for Corfu.
Ali Pasha brings Laliotes Turks and Christians from the center of
Epirus to inhabit the almost deserted settlement. However the original inhabitants
will return gradually to their homeland, up until February 1913 when Turkish rule
ends.
Built on the fortress rock of the castle, and protected by the Petzovolio
range from the northwest, from the late Byzantium era to our days Parga flourished.
To the west the Bay of Valtos stretches out with its golden sandy
beaches which lead to cape Cheladio where to this day one can see the ruins of
the Monastery of Vlachernon (or St Vlacherna as referred to by the locals).
The sandy beach of Valtos continues all the way to Anthousa. In its
path it passes through the fertile plains overgrown with olive and other fruit
trees.
When times were safe. The insane ownership laws of the castle drove
the inhabitants to extend the settlement outside the walls around the Turkish
bazaar to the southeastern side all the way up to Krioneri.
This is Parga today. She reveals herself to the visitor like a painting.
This is more so if one visits the corner of Karidi or the bend of Lithitsa, or
when one goes sight seeing on the ring road.
The architecture resembles that of the Ionian islands and is unlike
that of mainland Epirus. The small houses have very little room for gardens. Locals
though like to have plants in their small yards, flower beds or pots.
One enjoys to stroll upward through the small and narrow roads flooded
with the scent of jasmine. As an old folk song says "....on the upward wall to
Parga, cinnamon and carnations decorate all...". To the north the endless dense
olive plantations. On the other side, the countless boulders in the sea, strange
water symphonies can be heard by the crashing waves.
It is worth while seeing the scenery of the sea. From the north you
pass the imposing rock boat, the frightening Frangopidima, and St Sostis the Protector,
resembling an odd umbrella over the Sarakiniko. From the south side passing Chagiopoulo,
Monolitho and Pogonia, Skembi and Prioni, the vast pebble beach of Lichnos with
its small caves, to end up at the closed bay of St Giannaki with the natural spring
water bubbling at its center. This will be a unique experience.
Rich in her history and beauty Parga does not need the compliments
of Homer to make her known. Perhaps his words will be out shadowed by her beauty.
The chronographer Pavlos Palaiologos wrote after visiting in 1964,
"I can't recall meeting such beauty in such small scale. All is magical.
Don't be afraid to exaggerate when talking about Parga. Whatever you say it will
never be enough to describe her beauty. In a beauty contest she would certainly
win first prize" .
This text is cited June 2003 from the Municipality of Parga URL below, which contains images.
PIERIA (Prefecture) GREECE
The historic process of Pieria during our period is permanently and
closely linked to that of Thessaloniki.
a. Cultural life. The first on European ground Christian
communities were founded by Apostle Paul in Macedonia (Phillipus,
Thessaloniki, Veria).
From there, Apostle Paul traveled to Athens
via the Pierian coasts, the present port of Methoni,
where a temple to the honor of Apostle Paul is located.
Dioceses are commemorated during the Christian-Byzantine period in
the entire province of Pieria, namely in Dion,
Pydna, Kitro, Kolindros,
Petra, Platamon. The existence
of so many Dioceses in Pieria shows that the area here was very sacred. Dion
was the epicentre and the sacred city of the Macedonians, of Phillip-Alexander
the Great.
These Dioceses during the Byzantine years and later on until 1924
A.D. pertain to the jurisdiction of the Metropolis of Thessaloniki. Since the
11th century and afterwards the bishop of Kitros held the first throne (Πρωτόθρονος),
namely he was the first in rank after the bishop of Thessaloniki.
Many dependencies of monasteries of Thessaloniki and Mount
Athos were on the Pierian land. Some of those continue to operate until today.
Present remnants of the cultural life of the Christian-Byzantine Pieria are the
churches and the sacred corpses. Some of these are the two Early Christian Basilicas
in ancient Dion, the Byzantine
churches in Kountouriotissa, Petra,
Platamon, Aeginion,
Kolindros, Litochoro
and elsewhere in Pieria. Martyrdom of the bishop of Pydna Alexander, a symbolic
synonym of Alexander the Great is a typical characteristic of the ideological
conflict between Christianity and idololatry in Pieria in the beginning of the
4th century A.D. His skull is donated by the Byzantine Emperor Nikiforos Fokas
to the Monastery of Lavra to Mount
Athos.
b. Political - Administrative Life. In its political-administrative
life, Pieria constitutes a permanent division of the Province of the Macedonia
Prima.
The strategic role of Pieria in relation to Thessaloniki
is increased since the beginning of the 9th century A.D. and afterwards.
The castle-cities of Pieria in Kolindros,
Kitros-Pydna, Petra and Platamon
strategically reinforced the thematic administrative essence of Thessaloniki.
In this way, the linkage of Pieria with the co-regent emperor of Byzantine Empire,
Vassilios the Macedonian, visits the region in 1003 A.D. At that time, the castle
of Kolindros is surrendered
to Bulgarian invader and district governor Dimitrios Teichonas.
The importance of the Byzantine Castles of Pieria increases during
the 13th and 14th century. The Franc King of Thessaloniki Vonifatios Momferatikos
cedes the castle of Kitros as feud to Lombard Wierich von Daun and the castle
of Platamon to Rolando Piscia.
These two castles are reoccupied by the King of Epirus,
Theodore A Komninos Duke. The latter liberates the city from the Francs and he
is crowned King (1218-1224) of Thessaloniki.
In the beginning of the century, in 1308 A.D., Catalans and Ottomans
invade Pieria and loot it. However, its castles, especially that of Platamon,
constitute mainly the exile destinations of those defeated in Thessaloniki.
The civil war between Palaiologoi and Kantakouzinoi (1341-1346) and the 1345 zealot
movement in the city provoked the wave of exiles to the castles of Pieria.
The allies of the conflicted parties benefit primarily form these
dynasty disputes, such as the Ottomans of Omar, Aidinio
and the Serbs of Stephan Dusan. The Ottomans especially are the ones to take advantage
of the situation, who by then control Pieria and the inner region of Thessaloniki.
This text (extract) is cited October 2003 from the Prefecture
of Pieria tourist pamphlet.
PREVEZA (Prefecture) EPIRUS
The Prefecture of Preveza lies on the SW part of Epirus,
having north the Prefectures of Ioannina
and Thesprotia, east and southeast
the Prefecture of Arta, west
the Ionian Sea and south
the Amvrakikos gulf. Its
capital has the same name, this is, city
of Preveza, and it is situated at the entrance of the Amvrakikos
gulf. From the ancient years, settlements and cities were formed here by the
Thesprotians, the Cassopians, and the Molossians (which were three out of the
14 races of Epirus). Efira
(or Kihyros), Cassopi,
Elatria, Nikopolis
etc., these are cities whose ruins today - or their names - remind us of them.
There is not much historical information about the very ancient years
Neolithic Age (6000-3000 B.C.), The Age of Copper (3000-1500 B.C.), the Mycenaean
Age (1500-1100 B.C.) - during which Epirus
was already part of the civilized Greece, until the Geometric Age (1100-800 B.C.)
and the Archaic Age (800-500 B.C.) - during which the Corinthians predominated
and even founded colonies in Epirus.
After that, the Molossians, under the reign of Tharipas, ruled the whole of Epirus
and were spread towards the sea (sea-alliance of Athens
4th century B.C.). After then, Alexander the First the Macedonian (343 B.C., brother
of Olympia, wife of Philippos the Second), eventually a period of Democracy was
established (around 234 B.C. by the Thesprotians).
In the year 168 B.C. the Romans, taking revenge on Pyrros - who at
that time was in an expedition against Italy - destroyed 70 of the most eminent
cities of Epirus (among them
Cassopi etc.), sold 150.000
inhabitants of Epirus as
slaves and turned Epirus
into a Roman colony. After the Roman conquest, the conquest of the Byzantine Empire
(Ioustinianus) followed with Nikopolis
being one of the biggest episcopical headquarters of Christianity. A great number
of cities of Epirus - Nikopolis
was one of them - were destroyed by the Gothic incursions (550). During 10th century
Nikopolis was destroyed by
the Bulgarian incursion and was finally left deserted. After the capture of Constantinople
by the Latins, the domain of Epirus
was established - a self-contained Greek State - by Michael A´ Angelos Komninos
Doukas (his father Ioannis was Duke of the Vetus of Nikopolis). In the 14th century
Epirus came under the sovereign
Stefanos Doussan, leader of the Serbs and then the Florentians (Charles A´
Tokkos etc.).
In the 15th century almost all Epirus
was ruled by the Turks (10 Oct. 1431 Ioannina,
24 March 1449 Arta etc.).
In the year 1463 the Venetians followed (they had already ruled Sagiada,
Parga etc.). A treaty between
the Turks and the Venetians in the year of 1499 acknowledged the conquest of Cephallonia
and Preveza to the Venetians
- the later as well as Avlon - being the base of the Turk admiral Hairedin Barbarossa,
during the 16th century. In 1684 the Venetians (Fr. Morozini) conquered Arta
and Preveza, which they gave
to the Turks in 1700 and they once again recognized the sovereignty of the Venetians
(1717) over Vouthroto and
Preveza. In 1798 Ali-Passas
conquered Preveza (from the
French, who in their turn took Preveza
from the Venetians, a year ago).
The following year Vonitsa,
Vouthroto, Parga
and Preveza were recognized
as a "Democratic State" under the protection of the Sublime Port.
However, Ali-Passas in 1805 conquered Vonitsa
and Preveza again and in 1819
Parga (which was under the protection of the English, who sold Parga
to him).
After the defeat an death of Ali-Passas, in 1820, Epirus
remained under the protection of the Sultan.
A part of Epirus
was liberated in 1881, but Preveza
and its Prefecture remained under the Turkish occupation till 1912 (Balkan War
I), when it was liberated by the Greek army.
After the victorious Balkan wars in 1912-13, the Asia Minor Expedition
and its destruction took place, as a result of which there was a great number
of immigrants. The Prefecture of Preveza and the town itself became the new home
for many Greeks who were uprooted. New villages and district were built up and
developed vigorously. The country was sorely tried during World War II and it
was too high a price for all that bloodshed. The town
of Preveza was awarded the Military Cross of high rank because "its citizens
showed the essential resistance and enthusiasm, helping the military forces and
setting the example of self-sacrifice throughout all the army operations and put
themselves into danger day and night over the 96 bombardments". The citizens showed
the same patriotism and self-sacrifice throughout the Italian and German Occupation
(1941-1944) by taking part in the resistance movement (EDES-EOEA, EAM-ELAS) by
taking action against the conqueror. Unfortunately the division and the passion
and animosity that were stirred up during the Liberation Movement led to horrible
bloodsheds (Parginoskala, Dalamani). However those difficult years have long gone
away, the suffering has been forgotten and our country advances to progress.
(text: LAZAROS SYNESIOS)
This text (extract) is cited July 2003 from the Prefecture
of Preveza tourist pamphlet.
PREVEZA (Town) EPIRUS
The town continues her walk to the future respecting the past. The
history of Preveza is strictly connected with its position in the area.
The place where Preveza is built, is located at ht South West edge
of Epirus, at he entrance
of Amvrakikos gulf, just
opposite the Aktion, in a
very small distance from Ancient
Nikopolis of which Preveza is the continuation of Colonism.
The settling appears in the middle of the 11th Century. The strategic
as well as the commercial significance of its place was very important so that
attracted a lot of new settlers, but conquerors as well.
For the first time, it's mentioned with its recent name, at the end
of 13th Century in "Moreus Chronic". 200 years later, during 1495, has been selected
by the Turks to serve as a military port.
In the middle of the 15th Century, it was the object of a strong
conflict between the Turks and their rivals, the Venetians. So that more than
once, Preveza changed conquerors, until the Passarovits’ treaty in 1718,
that was granted to Venetians (10 - 21 July 1718) who kept it under their occupation,
until the fall of their Empire on 1797.
At that moment, the possession of Preveza was taken over by French
who however, were expelled by Ali Pasha the following year, remaining until her
liberation, under the Othomanic possession.
The crucial period for the development and the expansion of a settling
into a town was the period of the Venetian occupation, as well as that of Ali
Pasha.
Both of them, (Turks and Venetians) constructed castles rescued until
today, (the castle of Agios Andreas, of Agios Georgios, Pantokratoras).
Ali Pasha built at Preveza his summer palace, at the place known nowadays
as "Paleiosaraga", nearby the spas. His most important construction however, was,
the wall (DAPIA), which surrounded the town and offered protection to the residents
and to their commercial activities.
Until the Second World War, Preveza was the centre of transports of
Epirus, as well as the port for military provisions, at the Northwest Greece.
(The war of 1897, the Balkan wars, the first and the Second World War).
This special character of the town, attracted inhabitants from other
places of Epirus and the Ionian
islands, as well. Among them, were the Italians, who kept a colony at Preveza,
with a catholic church built in 1568, which is rescued until nowadays.
The Juice colony was also important, with a school and synagogue,
at the place, where the O.T.E. office is located today.
This text (extract) is cited July 2003 from the Municipality
of Preveza tourist pamphlet.
SIFNOS (Island) KYKLADES
As a continuation of the Neolithic Age, the Cycladic Era began about
3,200 B.C. and flourished for 1,200 years in three main phases: Ancient, Mid and
Later. The appearance of Cycladic engineers, marble workers, ship builders and
seamen were succeeded first by the Minoan and then by the Mycenean civilizations.
Sifnos, a significant entity in the ancient world, gave much which
remains inscrutable. However judging by the unparalleled beauty of the sculptures
of the Sifnoan Treasure, further investigation would be well worthwhile.
In ancient times, Sifnos was a very prosperous island due to its gold
and silver mines. Originally it was inhabited by the Cares and the Phoenicians
and was known as "Akis" or "Meropia". Later it was named Minoa
after the Minoans who lived there. In more recent years it was inhabited by the
Ionians. The splendid Sifnoan Treasure, one of the more important collections
exhibited at the Archaeological
Museum in Delphi, bears witness to the cultural blossoming of these years.
There are prehistoric monuments at Kalamitsi, Agios Andreas and Agios Nikitas.
Sifnos participated in the Persian Wars and later was a member of
the Athenian Alliance. During the Hellenistic and Roman Eras, Sifnos, like all
the other Cycladic islands,
was ruled by the Roman Empire and during the Byzantine period was part of the
Aegean "Theme". Between 1207 and 1269, it came under the Venetian Dukedom
of Naxos. In 1537, it was pillaged by Barbarosa and in 1617 it was conquered by
the Turks. Until this time, it was ruled by the Cozadino Dynasty. Sifnos played
an active part in the 1821 revolution and was liberated in 1836, along with other
Cycladic islands.
This text (extract) is cited August 2003 from the Apollonia
and Artemonas Communities tourist pamphlet.
SKYROS (Island) STEREA HELLAS
Skyros is known throughout Greece’s history, beginning with
mythology, when Theseus was killed on Skyros. Achilles was hidden here in king
Lycomides’ court, then was discovered by Odysseus and consequently left
to fight at Troy. As proven by the excavations at Palamari, Skyros was a trade
centre in the Copper Age (2500-1800 BC). In 470 B.C. the Athenian general Kimon
captured the island, driving away the Dolopian pirates who had used Skyros as
a base for their attacks and he brought Athenian settlers to the island. Later,
Skyros fell into the bands of the Macedonians from 332-196 B.C., when it then
returned to Athenian control. During the Roman occupation of Greece
Skyros was enlisted in the "Aegean Sea Theme" being used as an exile
base for powerful enemies. In the beginning of the 13th century A.D. Skyros came
under the command of the Northern Italians (Venetians) and in 1538 was conquered
by the Turkish commander Barbarossa. Skyros was active in the revolution of 1821
and was used as a hiding-place for revolutionaries.
This text (extract) is cited July 2003 from the Municipality
of Skyros tourist pamphlet (1996).
STAVROS (Small town) THESSALONIKI
The sunny area of Stavros is known from the ancient times. According
to ancient writers and historians, it was a "mygdonic" residence, that it, a township
known as "Vormiskos" according to Stephanos Vizantios of "Vromiskos"
according to Thucydides, which was built near the river Richios. It is said that
Euripides, the great Greek ancient poet, was killed here by the wild dogs of King
Archelaos during a hunt.
On the one hand, this "mygdonic" residence was important
since it entered the great Athenian and Delian alliance.
On the other hand, it was an access road used by the Lacedemonian
troops of General Vrassidas and of Xerxes’ army. During the Byzantine period
it was an important strategic junction since it was near "Egnatia road"
and on the way to Agio Oros.
Stavros, however, was settled by the refugees from Asia
Minor. It was in 1922 when the Greek people who were living in the coast of
Asia Minor and specifically
refugees from Katirli of Vithinia
and Agia Paraskevi came here in Stavros along with refugees from Proussa
and Madytos. Those capable
people managed to build a brand new community through difficulties and hardships.
They suffered great pain but they loved this place just because it reminded them
of their homeland. They were mainly woodcutters and fishermen who worked hard
to create a new home.
This text (extract) is cited November 2003 from the Municipality
of Rentina tourist pamphlet.
SYMI (Island) DODEKANISSOS
The history of the island begins in ancient and mythological times.
Its ancient names were Aigli, Metapontis and Cariki. It is postulated that its
first inhabitants were the Carians and the Leleges.
Symi is mentioned in The Iliad: King Nireus took part in the Trojan
war with three ships. Herodotus refers to it as being a member of the Dorian Hexapolis
(6 cities). From 480 B.C. the island belonged to the Athenian League.
In the Roman and Byzantine epochs Symi’s fortune was closely
linked to that of Rhodes.
From 1309 the island entered upon a prosperous period with the development of
shipping, commerce, the sponge trade, boat building and other crafts. This period
also saw the beginning of the increase in urban growth the beauty of which remains
intact to this day. The houses began to spread out from the same time people started
to abandon many of their traditional settlements. The majority of the churches
were also built during this time.
Turkish attacks were repulsed in 1457 and 1485. In 1522, realizing
that further resistance wa in vain, and attempting to preserve as much as they
could; the people offered gifts to the sultan and gained the grant, of many special
privileges. Thus they achieved freedom of religious expression and the use of
their own language with the resulting advances in education and crafts. In addition
to these privileges, they won sponge-fishing rights throughout all the seas of
the Ottoman Empire.
They supported the national war of independence and contributed funds
to the Greek fleet over a number of years; not to mention financial assistance
to Laskarina Bouboulina, Admiral Miaoulis, Themelis and others.
In 1832 Symi unwillingly returned to Turkish control, and people reacted
most strongly to this. In 1869 there was an attempt to abrogate the special privileges.
In 1875 and 1885 there were population censuses: in 1908 Symi won her second battle
to preserve her privileges, resulting in victory for the other islands as well.
In 1912 Turkish dominion gave way to Italian control, which lasted
until September 17th, 1943. From that date the island changed hands several times
between the British and the Germans, the British taking Symi for the third time
on September 25th, 1944, on which day the castle and the surrounding quarter of
town were blown up. On May 8th, 1945 the German surrender of the Dodecanese
was signed on Symi. On April 1st, 1947 a British Military Administration handed
over to a Greek one, and on March 7th, 1948 the Dodecanese were incorporated into
the Greek state.
This text (extract) is cited November 2003 from the Municipality
of Symi tourist pamphlet.
TOPIRO (Municipality) XANTHI
The newly established Municipality of Topeiros owes its name to a
city which existed on the Egnatia Road, during the Roman Ages, in the same area
in which the Municipality extends today.
Approaching the bridge over the Nestos river, in the area between
the villages of Toxotes and
Paradeisos, 14 km west of
Xanthi, you can see the remains
of the ancient city of Topeiros,
where monuments of old Christian and Byzantine ages mostly parts of Churches and
Monasteries, have been found and conserved.
It was established in the 1st A.C. and it was the Bishop’s Seat
form the 5th to 8th century. Recent clear evidence for the Bishopric of Topeiros
comes from the 1st early Byzantine Age, specifically from 4th and 5th century.
As a consequence, Bishop’s names are reported in the records of the Third
and Forth Ecumenical Synods. At the end of the 4th century Topeiros
gained distinction from Trianoupoli’s
Metropolitan Bishop, under whose domination remained for at least 900 years.
During the 2nd century A.C. the city of Topeiros
had its own coins (Proof of self rule and wealth). With the division of the Roman
Empire into East and West, the area of Xanthi with the city Topeiros
as capital, belongs to the East Empire and it is its western boundary.
In 549 A.C. during the Justinian Empire the city was conquered by
the Slavs, who totally destroyed it. 2 years later, Justinian rebuilt it and surrounded
it with stronger walls.
The city had a historical presence until 812 A.C. when it was destroyed
by the Bulgarian Tsar "Croumo".
This text (extract) is cited October 2003 from the Municipality
of Topeiros tourist pamphlet.
VOUCHETION (Ancient city) PREVEZA
A few kilometres away from Louros,
over a picturesque rich in vegetation hill, is the ruins of the Rogon fortress.
A very beautiful castle, it surrounded the city of Rogon - of the Roman and Byzantine
era. The relics of the Evangelist Loukas were kept in that city from 1204 to 1453,
when they were carried to Smaderevo - a Serbian city.
The city and the castle of Rogon was desolated from 1449 (when conquered
by Turks) until 1690. It is the same site where the ancient city of Bouchetion
- continuity of which Rogon was around 8th-9th century A.C. On the NW side of
the ancient acropolis of the fortress, a holy church of the Assumption of the
Virgin Mary is preserved - from the 17th century. This is the last monument of
the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine period of the settlement, which formed as well
the headquarters of Bishopric (which was later united with the Bishopric of Kozilis).
Kozili was a small Byzantine city near Nikopolis
(in the area of N. Samsous).
Near the city the Kozili
Monastery was founded in 774 A.C. The bishop of Kozili and Rogon, (1820-26)
was very famous who during the siege of Mesologi
while defending it heroically, his comrades and he were exploded at the 12th of
October 1826.
(text: LAZAROS SINESIOS)
This text (extract) is cited July 2003 from the Prefecture
of Preveza tourist pamphlet.
ACHAIA (Ancient country) GREECE
Achaicun Foedus (to Achaikon), the league or confederation of a number of towns
on the north-west coast of Peloponnesus. In speaking of the Achaean league we
must distinguish between two periods, an earlier and a later one. The former,
though formed for mutual protection, was mainly of a religious character, whereas
the latter was pre-eminently a political confederation to protect the towns against
the domination of Macedonia.
1. The earlier League.
When the Herakleidae took possession of Peloponnesus, which until
then had been inhabited chiefly by the Achaean race, a portion of the latter,
under Tisamenos, turned northwards and took possession of the northern coast of
the peninsula, which was called Aigialos: the Ionians, who had hitherto occupied
that country, took refuge in Attica and on the west coast of Asia Minor. The country
thus occupied by the Achaeans, from whom it derived its name of Achaia, contained
twelve towns which had been leagued together even in the time of their Ionian
inhabitants. They were governed by the descendants of Tisamenos, until, after
the death of king Ogyges, they abolished the kingly rule and established democratic
institutions. The time when this happened is not known. In the time of Herodotus
(i. 145; comp. Strab. viii. p. 483 foll.) the twelve towns of which the league
consisted were: Pellene, Aegeira, Aegae, Bura, Helike, Aegion, Rhypes, Patrae,
Pharae, Olenos, Dyme, and Tritaea. After the time of Herodotus, Rhypes and Aegae
disappear from the number of the confederate towns, as they had decayed and become
deserted (Paus. vii. 23, 25; Strab. viii), and Leontion and Keryneia stepped into
their place (Polyb. ii. 41; comp. Paus. vii. 6). Helike appears to have been their
common place of meeting; but this town, together with Bura, was swallowed up by
the sea during an earth-quake in B.C. 373, whereupon Aegion was chosen as the
place of meeting for the confederates (Strab. viii; Diod. xv. 48 ; Pans. vii.
24). Of the constitution of this league very little is known; but it is clear
that the bond which united the different towns was very loose, and less a political
than a religious one, as is shown by the common sacrifice offered at Helike to
Poseidon. When that town was destroyed and Aegion had become the central point
of the league, the common sacrifice was offered up to the principal divinities
of Aegion, i. e. to Zeus, surnamed Homagyrios, and to Demeter Panachaea (Pans.
vii. 24). The looseness of the connexion among the towns in a political point
of view is evident from the fact that some of them acted occasionally quite independent
of the rest (Thuc. ii. 9). The confederation generally kept aloof from the troubles
of other parts of Greece, on which accordingly it exercised no particular influence
down to the time when the league was broken up by the Macedonians. But they were
nevertheless highly respected by the other Greek states on account of their honesty,
sincerity, and wise moderation. Hence after the battle of Leuktra they were chosen
to arbitrate between the Thebans and Lakedaemonians (Polyb. ii. 39). Demetrios,
Kassander, and Antigonos Gonatas placed garrisons in some of their towns, while
in others they favoured the rising of tyrants. The towns were thus separated from
one another, and the whole confederation was gradually destroyed.
2. The later League.
The ancient confederacy had thus ceased to exist for some time when
events took place which in some towns roused the ancient spirit of independence.
When in B.C. 281 Antigonos Gonatas attempted to drive Ptolemaeos Keraunos from
the throne of Macedonia, the Achaeans availed themselves of the opportunity of
shaking off the Macedonian yoke and renewing the ancient confederation. The grand
object however now was no longer a common worship, but a real political union
among the confederate towns. The places which first shook off the yoke of the
oppressors were Dyme and Patrae, and the alliance concluded between them was speedily
joined by the towns of Tritaea and Pharae (Polyb. ii. 41). One town after another
now expelled the Macedonian garrisons and tyrants; and when in B.C. 275 Aegion,
the head of the ancient league, followed the example of the other towns, the foundation
of the new confederation was complete, and the main principles of its constitution
were settled, though afterwards many changes and modifications were introduced.
The fundamental laws were that henceforth the confederacy should form one inseparable
state; that every town which should join it should have equal rights with the
others; and that all members in regard to foreign countries should be regarded
as dependent, and be bound in every respect to obey the federal government and
those officers who were entrusted with the executive (Polyb. ii. 37 foll.). No
town, therefore, was allowed to treat with any foreign power without the sanction
of the others. Aegion, for religious reasons, was at first appointed the seat
of the government, and retained this distinction until the time of Philopoemen,
who proposed a measure according to which the national meetings should be held
in rotation in any of the other towns (Liv. xxxviii. 30); but whether this plan
was adopted is uncertain. At Aegion, therefore, the citizens of the various towns
met at stated and regular times to deliberate upon the common affairs of the confederation,
and if necessary upon those of any separate town or even individuals, and to elect
the officers of the league. After having thus established a firm union among themselves,
the Achaeans zealously exerted themselves in delivering other towns also from
their tyrants and oppressors. The league however did not acquire any great strength
until B.C. 251, when Aratos united Sikyon, his native place, with it, and some
years later also gained Corinth for it. Megara, Troezen, and Epidauros soon followed
their example. Afterwards Aratos prevailed upon all the more important towns of
Peloponnesus to join the confederacy; and Megalopolis, Argos, Hermione, Phlius,
and others were added to it. In a short time the league thus reached its highest
power, for it embraced Athens, Aegina, Salamis, and the whole of Peloponnesus
with the exception of Sparta, Tegea, Orchomenos, Mantineia, and Elis. Greece seemed
to revive, and promised to become stronger and more united than ever, but it soon
showed that its new power was employed only in self-destruction and its own ruin.
We cannot here enter into the history of this new confederation, but must confine
ourselves to giving an outline of its constitution, as it existed at the time
of its full development.
Polybius (ii. 38) remarks that there was no other constitution in
the world in which all the members of the community had such a perfect equality
of rights and so much liberty, and, in short, which was so perfectly democratic
and so free from all selfish and exclusive regulations, as the Achaean league;
for all its members had equal rights, whether they had belonged to it from the
beginning or had only recently joined it, and whether they were large or small
towns. Their common affairs were regulated at general meetings by the citizens
of all the towns, and were held regularly twice every year, in the spring and
in the autumn. These meetings, which lasted three days, were held in a grove of
Zeus Homagyrios, in the neighbourhood of Aegion, and near a sanctuary of Demeter
Panachaea. (Polyb. ii. 54, iv. 37, v. 1, xix. 9; Liv. xxxii. 22, xxxviii. 32;
Strab. viii; Paus. vii. 24.) In cases of urgent necessity, however, extraordinary
meetings might be convened, either at Aegion or in any other of the confederate
towns (Liv. xxi. 25; Polyb. xxv. 1, xxix. 8; Pint. Arat. 41). Every citizen, both
rich and poor, who had attained the age of thirty, might attend the assemblies,
speak, and propose any measure, to which they were invited by a public herald
(Polyb. xxix. 9 ; Liv. xxxii. 20). Under these circumstances the assemblies were
sometimes of the most tumultuous kind, and a wise and experienced man might sometimes
find it difficult to gain a hearing among the crowds of ignorant and foolish people
(Polyb. xxviii. 4). It is, however, natural to suppose that the ordinary meetings,
unless matters of great importance were to be discussed, were attended chiefly
by the wealthier classes, who had the means of paying the expenses of their journey,
for many lived at a considerable distance from the place of meeting.
The subjects to be brought before the assembly were prepared by a
council (boule), which seems to have been permanent (Polyb. xxiii. 7, xxviii.
3, xxix. 9; Plut. Arat. 53). The principal subjects on which the assembly had
to decide were -peace and war (Polyb. iv. 15 foll.); the reception of new towns
into the confederacy (Polyb. xxv. 1); the election of the magistrates of the confederation
(Polyb. iv. 37, 82; Plut. Arat. 41); the punishment of offences committed by the
magistrates, though sometimes special judges were appointed for that purpose,
as well as the honours and distinctions to be conferred upon them (Polyb. iv.
14, viii. 14, xl. 5, 8; Paus. vii. 9). The ambassadors of foreign states had to
deliver their messages to the assembly, where they were discussed by the assembled
people (Polyb. iv. 7, xxiii. 7 foll., xxviii. 7; Liv. xxxii. 9). The assembly
further had the power to determine as to whether negotiations were to be carried
on with any foreign power or not, and no single town was allowed to send an embassy
to a foreign power on its own responsibility, even on matters of merely local
importance, although otherwise every individual town managed its own internal
affairs at its own discretion, so long as it did not interfere with the interests
of the league. No town, moreover, was allowed to accept presents from a foreign
power (Polyb. xxiii. 8; Pans. vii. 9). The votes in the assembly were given according
to towns; each town, whether large or small, having one vote (Liv. xxxviii. 22
foll.).
The principal officers of the Achaean league were:
1. At first two strategi (stratepsoi), but after the year B.C. 255 there was only
one (Strab. viii), who, in conjunction with the hipparchus (hipparchos) or commander
of the cavalry (Polyb. v. 95, xxviii. 6) and an under-strategus (hupostrategos,
Polyb. iv. 59), commanded the army furnished by the confederate towns, and was
entrusted with the whole conduct of the war.
2. A state-secretary (grammateus).
3. An apparently permanent council of ten men, called the demionrgoi (Strab. viii;
Liv. xxxii. 22, xxxviii. 30; Polyb. v. 1, xxiii. 10, where they are called archontes).
These demiurgi, whom Polybius in another passage (xxxviii. 5) calls geronsia,
appear to have presided at the great assemblies, which either they or the strategus
might convene, though it seems that the latter could do so only when the people
were convened in arms or for military purposes (Polyb. iv. 7; Liv. xxv. 25).
All the officers of the league were elected in the assembly held in
the spring, at the rising of the Pleiades (Polyb. ii. 43; iv. 6, 37; v. 1), and
legally they were invested with their several offices only for one year; but it
often happened that men of great merit, like Aratos and Philopoemen, were re-elected
for several successive years (Plut. Arat. 24, 30; Cleom. 15). If an officer died
during the period of his office, his place was filled by his predecessor, until
the time for the new elections arrived (Polyb. xl. 2). The close union subsisting
among the confederates was, according to Polybius (ii. 37), strengthened by their
adopting common weights, measures, and coins. Many Achaean coins are preserved
in various collections.
The Achaean league might at one time have become a great power, and
might have united at least the whole of Peloponnesus into one state; but the original
objects of the league were in the course of time so far forgotten that it sought
the protection of those against whom it had been formed; and the perpetual discord
among its members, the hostility of Sparta, the intrigues of the Romans, and the
folly and rashness of the [p. 10] last strategi brought about not only the dissolution
and destruction of the confederacy, but the political annihilation of the whole
of Greece in the year B.C. 146. After a time the Romans again allowed certain
national confederations to be renewed (Paus. vii. 16), but they had no political
influence, and were entirely dependent upon the Roman governor of Macedonia, until
in the reign of Augustus all Greece was constituted as a Roman province under
the name of Achaia.
This text is from: A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890) (eds. William Smith, LLD, William Wayte, G. E. Marindin). Cited June 2005 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ARGOS (Ancient city) ARGOLIS
It is said that the alliance between the two peoples was brought about thus. Sparta was once shaken by an earthquake, and the Helots seceded to Ithome. After the secession the Lacedaemonians sent for help to various places, including Athens, which dispatched picked troops under the command of Cimon, the son of Miltiades. These the Lacedaemonians dismissed, because they suspected them. The Athenians regarded the insult as intolerable, and on their way back made an alliance with the Argives, the immemorial enemies of the Lacedaemonians. (Paus.+=1.29.8-9)
(more Information see Achaia,
ancient country)
The Athenians, Argives, Mantineans, and Eleans, acting for themselves and the
allies in their respective empires, made a treaty for a hundred years, to be without
fraud or hurt by land and by sea.
1. It shall not be lawful to carry on war, either for the Argives, Eleans, Mantineans,
and their allies, against the Athenians, or the allies in the Athenian empire;
or for the Athenians and their allies against the Argives, Eleans, Mantineans,
or their allies, in any way or means whatsoever. The Athenians, Argives, Eleans,
and Mantineans shall be allies for a hundred years upon the terms following:
2. If an enemy invade the country of the Athenians, the Argives, Eleans, and Mantineans
shall go to the relief of Athens, according as the Athenians may require by message,
in such way as they most effectually can, to the best of their power. But if the
invader be gone after plundering the territory, the offending state shall be the
enemy of the Argives, Mantineans, Eleans, and Athenians, and war shall be made
against it by all these cities; and no one of the cities shall be able to make
peace with that state, except all the above cities agree to do so.
3. Likewise the Athenians shall go to the relief of Argos, Mantinea, and Elis,
if an enemy invade the country of Elis, Mantinea, or Argos, according as the above
cities may require by message, in such way as they most effectually can, to the
best of their power. But if the invader be gone after plundering the territory,
the state offending shall be the enemy of the Athenians, Argives, Mantineans,
and Eleans, and war shall be made against it by all these cities, and peace may
not be made with that state except all the above cities agree to it.
4. No armed force shall be allowed to pass for hostile purposes through the country
of the powers contracting, or of the allies in their respective empires, or to
go by sea, except all the cities--that is to say, Athens, Argos, Mantinea, and
Elis--vote for such passage. [6] 5. The relieving troops shall be maintained by
the city sending them for thirty days from their arrival in the city that has
required them, and upon their return in the same way; if their services be desired
for a longer period the city that sent for them shall maintain them, at the rate
of three Aeginetan obols per day for a heavy-armed soldier, archer, or light soldier,
and an Aeginetan drachma for a trooper.
6. The city sending for the troops shall have the command when the war is in its
own country; but in case of the cities resolving upon a joint expedition the command
shall be equally divided among all the cities.
7. The treaty shall be sworn to by the Athenians for themselves and their allies,
by the Argives, Mantineans, Eleans, and their allies, by each state individually.
Each shall swear the oath most binding in his country over full-grown victims;
the oath being as follows: 'I will stand by the alliance and its articles, justly,
innocently, and sincerely, and I will not transgress the same in any way or means
whatsoever.'
The oath shall be taken at Athens by the Senate and the magistrates,
the Prytanes administering it; at Argos by the Senate, the Eighty, and the Artynae,
the Eighty administering it; at Mantinea by the Demiurgi, the Senate, and the
other magistrates, the Theori and Polemarchs administering it; at Elis by the
Demiurgi, the magistrates, and the Six Hundred, the Demiurgi and the Thesmophylaces
administering it.
The oaths shall be renewed by the Athenians going to Elis, Mantinea,
and Argos thirty days before the Olympic games; by the Argives, Mantineans, and
Eleans going to Athens ten days before the great feast of the Panathenaea.
The articles of the treaty, the oaths, and the alliance shall be inscribed
on a stone pillar by the Athenians in the citadel, by the Argives in the market-place,
in the temple of Apollo; by the Mantineans in the temple of Zeus, in the market-place;
and a brazen pillar shall be erected jointly by them at the Olympic games now
at hand.
Should the above cities see good to make any addition to these articles,
whatever all the above cities shall agree upon, after consulting together, shall
be binding.
ARKADIA (Ancient area) PELOPONNISOS
The Arcadian League, established some time after the battle
of Leuctra (B.C. 371), when the victory of Epaminondas had destroyed the supremacy
of Sparta in the Peloponnesus and restored the independence of the Arcadian towns.
The Arcadian League succeeded in giving unity to the Arcadians for only a short
time, however, and its influence soon declined.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Nov 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
CHIOS (Island) NORTH AEGEAN
The battle of Mycale, 479, freed Chios from the Persian yoke, and it became a member of the Athenian League, in which it was for a long time the closest and most favoured ally of Athens; but an unsuccessful attempt to revolt, in 412, led to its conquest and devastation.
DELFI (Ancient sanctuary) FOKIDA
Amphictyones (Amphiktuones). Literally "those dwelling around", but
in a special sense applied to populations which at stated times met at the same
sanctuary to keep a festival in common, and to transact common business. The most
famous and extensive union of the kind was that called, par excellence, the Amphictyonic
League, whose common sanctuaries were the temple of Pythian Apollo at Delphi,
and the temple of Demeter at Anthela, near Pylae
or Thermopylae. After Pylae the assembly was named the Pylaean, even when
it met at Delphi, and the deputies of the league Pylagorae. The league was supposed
to be very ancient, as old even as the name of Hellenes; for its founder was said
to be Amphictyon, the son of Deucalion and brother of Hellen, the common ancestor
of all Hellenes. ( Herod.vii. 200.) It included twelve populations: Malians, Phthians,
Aenianes or Oetoeans, Dolopes, Magnetians, Perrhoebians, Thessalians, Locrians,
Dorians, Phocians, Boeotians, and Ionians, together with the colonies of each.
Though in later times their extent and power were very unequal, yet in point of
law they all had equal rights. Besides protecting and preserving those two sanctuaries,
and celebrating from the year B.C. 586 on wards the Pythian Games, the league
was bound to maintain certain principles of international right, which forbade
them, for instance, ever to destroy utterly any city of the league, or to cut
off its water, even in time of war. To the assemblies, which met every spring
and autumn, each nation sent two hieromnemones (= wardens of holy things) and
several pylagorae. The latter took part in the debates, but only the former had
the right of voting. When a nation included several States, these took by turns
the privilege of sending deputies. But the stronger states, such as the Ionian
Athens or the Dorian Sparta, were probably allowed to take their turn oftener
than the rest, or even to send to every assembly. When violations of the sanctuaries
or of popular right took place the assembly could inflict fines, or even expulsion;
and a State that would not submit to the punishment had a "holy war"
(or Sacred War) declared against it. By such a war the Phocians were expelled
B.C. 346, and their two votes given to the Macedonians; but the expulsion of the
former was withdrawn because of the glorious part they took in defending the Delphian
temple when threatened by the Gauls in B.C. 279, and at the same time the Aetolian
community, which had already made itself master of the sanctuary, was acknowledged
as a new member of the league. In B.C. 191 the number of members amounted to seventeen,
who nevertheless had only twenty-four votes, seven having two votes each, the
rest only one. Under the Roman rule the league continued to exist, but its action
was now limited to the care of the Delphian temple. It was reorganized by Augustus,
who incorporated the Malians, Magnetians, Aenianes, and Pythians with the Thessalians,
and substituted for the extinct Dolopes the city of Nicopolis in Acarnania, which
he had founded after the battle of Actium. The last notice we find of the league
is in the second century A.D.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Oct 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
DELOS (Island) KYKLADES
Confederacy of. A league entered into by the Greek States under
the hegemony of Athens in B.C. 478, with the primary object of defending Greece
against the designs of Persia. The league obtained its name from the fact that
the representatives of the States composing it met periodically at the island
of Delos, in the temple of Apollo and Artemis. Each State contributed at its option
either ships or money according to the assessment proposed by Aristides, representing
Athens, and ratified by the assembled delegates. The first assessment amounted
to 460 talents, or about $550,000. The contributions were collected and administered
by officers called Hellenotamiae.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Aristides . . he and his colleague Cimon had the glory of obtaining for Athens the command of the maritime confederacy (Confederacy of Delos); and to Aristides was by general consent intrusted the task of drawing up its laws and fixing its assessments. The first tribute of four hundred and sixty talents, paid into a common treasury at Delos, bore his name.
A Permanent Structure for the Alliance
Under Athenian direction, the Greek alliance against Persia took on
a permanent organizational structure. Member states swore a solemn oath never
to desert the coalition. The members were predominately located in northern Greece,
on the islands of the Aegean Sea, and along the western coast of Anatolia--that
is, in the areas most exposed to Persian attack. Most of the independent city-states
of the Peloponnese, on the other hand, remained in their traditional alliance
with the Spartans. This alliance of Sparta and its allies, which modern historians
refer to as the Peloponnesian League, had an assembly to set policy, but no action
could be taken unless the Spartan leaders agreed to it. The alliance headed by
Athens also had an assembly of representatives to make policy. Its structure was
supposed to allow participation by all its members.
The Finances of the Alliance (Delian League)
The Athenian representatives came to dominate this erstwhile democracy, however,
as a result of the special arrangements made to finance the alliance's naval operations.
Aristides set the different levels of payments the various member states were
to pay each year, based on their size and prosperity. The Greek word describing
the payments was phoros, literally "that which is brought". Modern historians
refer to the payments as "tribute", but the translation "dues"
might come closer to the official terminology of the alliance, so long as it is
remembered that these dues were compulsory and permanent. For their tribute payments,
larger member states were assessed the responsibility of supplying entire warships
complete with crews and pay; smaller states could share the cost of a ship, or
simply contribute cash which would be put together with others' payments to pay
for ships and crews. Over time, more and more of the members of the alliance chose
to pay their dues in cash rather than go to the trouble of furnishing warships.
The alliance's funds were kept on the centrally-located island of Delos, in the
group of islands in the Aegean Sea called the Cyclades, where they were placed
under the guardianship of the god Apollo, to whom the whole island of Delos was
sacred. Historians today refer to the alliance as the Delian League because its
treasury was originally located on Delos.
The Warships of the Delian League
The warship of the time was a narrow vessel built for speed called a trireme("triple-banks-of-oars
ship"), a name derived from its having three tiers of oarsmen on each side
for propulsion in battle. One hundred and eighty rowers were needed to propel
a trireme, which fought mainly by ramming enemy ships with a metal-clad ram attached
to the bow and thus sinking them bypuncturing their hulls below the water line.
Triremes also carried a complement of about twenty officers and marines; the marines,
armed as infantry, could board enemy ships. Effective battle tactics in triremes
required extensive training and physical conditioning of the crews. Most member
states of the Delian League preferred to pay their annual dues in cash instead
of furnishing triremes because it was beyond their capacities to build ships as
specialized as triremes and to train crews in the intricate teamwork required
to work triple banks of oars in battle maneuvers. Athens was far richer and more
populous than most of its allies in the Delian League, and it not only had the
shipyards and craftsmen to build triremes in numbers but also a large pool of
poorer men eager to earn pay as rowers. Therefore, Athens built and manned most
of the alliance's triremes, using the dues of allies to supplement its own contribution.
The Rebellion of Thasos
Since Athens supplied the largest number of warships in the fleet of the Delian
League, the balance of power in the League came firmly into the hands of the Athenian
assembly, whose members decided how Athenian ships were to be employed. Members
of the League had no effective recourse if they disagreed with decisions made
for the League as a whole under Athenian leadership. Athens, for instance, could
compel the League to send its ships to force reluctant allies to go on paying
dues if they stopped making their annual payments. The most egregious instance
of such compulsion was the case of the city-state of the island of Thasos which,
in 465 B.C, unilaterally withdrew from the Delian League after a dispute with
Athens over gold mines on the neighboring mainland. To compel the Thasians to
keep their sworn agreement to stay in the League, the Athenians led the fleet
of the Delian League, including ships from other member states, against Thasos.
The attack turned into a protracted siege, which finally ended after three years'
campaigns in 463 B.C. with the island's surrender. As punishment, the League forced
Thasos to pull down its defensive walls, give up its navy, and pay enormous dues
and fines. As Thucydides observed, rebellious allies like the Thasians "lost
their independence", making the Athenians as the League's leaders "no
longer as popular as they used to be".
The Military and Financial Success of the Delian League
The Athenian-dominated Delian League enjoyed success after success against the Persians in the 470s and 460s. Within twenty years after the rout of the Persian fleet in the battle of Salamis in 479, almost all Persian garrisons had been expelled from the Greek world and the Persian fleet driven from the Aegean. Although the Persian heartland was not threatened by these setbacks, Persia ceased to be a threat to Greeks for the next fifty years. Athens meanwhile grew stronger from its share of the spoils captured from Persian outposts and the dues paid by its members. By the middle of the fifth century B.C., League members' dues alone totaled an amount equivalent to perhaps $200,000,000 in contemporary terms (based on the assumption of $80 as the average daily pay of a worker today). For a state the size of Athens (around 30,000 to 40,000 adult male citizens at the time), this annual income meant prosperity.
Athenian Self-Interest in Empire
The male citizens meeting in the assembly decided how to spend the city-state's income. Rich and poor alike had a self-interest in keeping the the fleet active and the allies paying for it. Well-heeled aristocrats like Cimon (c. 510-450 B.C.), the son of Miltiades the victor of the battle of Marathon, could enhance their social status by commanding successful League campaigns and then spending their share of the spoils on benefactions to Athens. The numerous Athenian men of lesser means who rowed the Delian League's ships came to depend on the income they earned on League expeditions. The allies were given no choice but to acquiesce to Athenian wishes on League policy. The men of Athens insisted on freedom for themselves, but they failed to preserve it for the member states in the alliance that had been born in the fight for just this sort of freedom from domination by others. In this way, alliance was transformed into empire, despite Athenian support of democractic governments in some allied city-states previously ruled by oligarchies. From the Athenian point of view, this transformation was justified because, by keeping the allies in line, the alliance remained strong enough to do its job of protecting Greece from the Persians.
This text is from: Thomas Martin's An Overview of Classical Greek History from Homer to Alexander, Yale University Press. Cited Mar 2003 from Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.
Syntaxis.. The tribute paid by the allies of Athens into the treasury of the League was originally called phoros. But after the downfall of the Athenian supremacy, and the establishment of the second confederacy in B.C. 378-7, the old name was dropped, as it had grown hateful to the allies with the general unpopularity of the rule of Athens, and the new assessment was known as suntaxis.
The ancient Persian and Greek cultures did not exist in isolation. There was
cross-fertilization. The present article contains a description of Persia's influence
on Greece.
Politics: Delian league
The most remarkable aspect of the Delian League is that it was
a maritime empire. Earlier Greek (con)federations of Greek towns had all been
land-based. A maritime empire demands another kind of organization, not in the
least because the lines of communication can be threatened in the winter, whereas
transport between the member states is much cheaper. This makes it unlikely that
a Greek league was the model of the Athenian empire, and it is possible that the
western part of the Achaemenid empire -with its maritime lines of communication
and active navy- was the real source of inspiration.
The maritime organization of the western part of the Achaemenid empire
was was a result of king Cambyses' conquest of Egypt
(525 BCE), which was only possible after the building of a large imperial navy.
(Without marine superiority, it was impossible for an army to cross through the
Sinai desert, because any army marching to the west would be exposed to Egyptian
naval actions.)
When Egypt was defeated and added to the Achaemenid empire, it was
necessary to keep the navy to control the new region. Many men and lots of silver
and gold were necessary for the upkeep, and the result was the monetarization
of the tribute by king Darius the Great. Although it was still possible to pay
in kind, payments in cash were preferred.
The organization of the western Achaemenid empire was, therefore,
largely based on the demands of the navy, and the Athenians copied certain aspects
of this. For example, the ships of the Persian navy had a mixed crew: the rowers
came from various parts of the empire. The Athenian ships were partly manned by
Athenians, partly by the allies. Towns in the Achaemenid empire could pay their
tribute by manning ships; the kings appreciated this type of tribute, because
towns that had sent part of their manhood away, were less likely to revolt. The
Athenians did the same.
But the main factor is the tribute system. After the Greeks had defeated
the Persians, the Athenians took over the Persian fiscal organization of the Greek
towns in Asia. After the Ionian revolt, the satrap of Lydia
and Ionia, Artaphernes, had
established the tribute that the Greek towns had to pay, and the Athenians did
not change his system. Every four year, the Athenians and their subjects revised
the tariff.
At least in theory, the subject towns could negotiate about the amount
they owed to their masters, and it is tempting to link this fact to the remark
by Herodotus that the Persians regarded king Darius as a merchant (kapelos) because
he negotiated about everything (Histories 3.89). This is really remarkable, because
a king was not supposed to make deals with his subjects about the prize of his
reign.
The negotiations between the ruler -whether Persian or Athenian- suggest
a voluntariness and an equality which probably did not really exist. But the illusion
was kept intact in both empires.
Janine Bakker, ed.
This text is cited July 2003 from the Livius Ancient History Website URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks.
EGHION (Ancient city) ACHAIA
(Achaicum Foedus; to Achaikon). The league or confederation
of a number of towns on the northwest coast of Peloponnesus. In speaking of it
we must distinguish between two periods. The former, though formed for mutual
protection, was mainly of a religious character, whereas the latter was a political
confederation to protect the towns against the domination of Macedonia.
(1) The Earlier League.--When the Heraclidae took possession
of Peloponnesus, a portion of the Achaeans, under Tisamenos, turned northwards
and took possession of the northern coast of the peninsula, which was called Aigialos:
the Ionians, who had hitherto occupied that country, sought refuge in Attica and
on the west coast of Asia Minor. The country thus occupied by the Achaeans, from
whom it derived its name of Achaia, contained twelve towns which had been leagued
together even in the time of their Ionian inhabitants. They were governed by the
descendants of Tisamenus, until, after the death of King Ogyges, they abolished
the kingly rule and established democratic institutions. The time when this happened
is not known. In the time of Herodotus the twelve towns of which the league consisted
were: Pellene, Aegeira, Aegae, Bura, Helice, Aegion, Rhypes, Patrae, Pharae, Olenos,
Dyme, and Tritaea. After the time of Herodotus, Rhypes and Aegae disappear from
the number of the confederate towns, as they had decayed and become deserted,
and Leontion and Cerynea stepped into their place. Helice appears to have been
their common place of meeting; but this town, together with Bura, was swallowed
up by the sea during an earthquake in B.C. 373, whereupon Aegion was chosen as
the place of meeting for the confederates (Strab. viii. p. 384). Of the constitution
of this league very little is known; but it is clear that the bond which united
the different towns was very loose, and less a political than a religious one.
The looseness of the connection among the towns in a political point of view is
evident from the fact that some of them acted occasionally quite independent of
the rest. The confederation generally kept aloof from the troubles of other parts
of Greece, on which accordingly it exercised no particular influence down to the
time when the league was broken up by the Macedonians. But they were nevertheless
highly respected by the other Greek states on account of their honesty, sincerity,
and wise moderation. Hence after the battle of Leuctra they were chosen to arbitrate
between the Thebans and Lacedaemonians. Demetrius, Cassander, and Antigonus Gonatas
placed garrisons in some of their towns, while in others they favoured the rising
of tyrants. The towns were thus separated from one another, and the whole confederation
was gradually destroyed.
(2) The Later League.--The ancient confederacy had thus ceased
to exist for some time when events took place which in some towns roused the ancient
spirit of independence. When in B.C. 281 Antigonus Gonatas attempted to drive
Ptolemaeus Ceraunus from the throne of Macedonia, the Achaeans availed themselves
of the opportunity of shaking off the Macedonian yoke, and renewing the old confederation.
The object, however, was no longer a common worship, but a real political union
among the towns. The places which first shook off the yoke of the oppressors were
Dyme and Patrae, and the alliance concluded between them was speedily joined by
the towns of Tritaea and Pharae. One town after another expelled the Macedonian
garrisons and tyrants; and when in B.C. 275, Aegion, the head of the ancient league,
followed the example of the other towns, the foundation of the new confederation
was complete, and the main principles of its constitution were settled, though
afterwards many changes and modifications were introduced. The fundamental laws
were that henceforth the confederacy should form one inseparable state; that every
town which should join it should have equal rights with the others; and that all
members in regard to foreign countries should be regarded as dependent, and be
bound in every respect to obey the federal government and those officers who were
intrusted with the executive. No town, therefore, was allowed to treat with any
foreign power without the sanction of the others. Aegion, for religious reasons,
was appointed the seat of the government. At Aegion, therefore, the citizens of
the various towns met at stated and regular times to deliberate upon the common
affairs of the confederation, and if necessary upon those of any separate town
or even of individuals, and to elect the officers of the league. After having
thus established a firm union among themselves, the Achaeans zealously exerted
themselves in delivering other towns also from their tyrants and oppressors. The
league, however, did not acquire any great strength until B.C. 251, when Aratus
united Sicyon, his native place, with it, and some years later also gained Corinth
for it. Megara, Troezen, and Epidaurus soon followed their example. Afterwards
Aratus prevailed upon all the more important towns of Peloponnesus to join the
confederacy, and Megalopolis, Argos, Hermione, Phlius, and others were added to
it. In a short time the league thus reached its highest power, for it embraced
Athens, Aegina, Salamis, and the whole of Peloponnesus, with the exception of
Sparta, Tegea, Orchomenus, Mantinea, and Elis. Greece seemed to revive, and promised
to become stronger and more united than ever, but it soon showed that its new
power was employed only in self-destruction and its own ruin. The Achaean League
might at one time have become a great power, and might have united at least the
whole of Peloponnesus into one State; but the original objects of the league were
in the course of time so far forgotten that it sought the protection of those
against whom it had been formed; and the perpetual discord among its members,
the hostility of Sparta, the intrigues of the Romans, and the folly and rashness
of the last strategy brought about not only the dissolution and destruction of
the confederacy, but the political annihilation of the whole of Greece in the
year B.C. 146.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Dec 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Grammateus (grammateus). The Greek word for a writer, secretary, or clerk. At Athens the officials had numerous clerks attached to them, who were paid by the State and belonged to the poorer class of citizens. But there were several higher officials who bore the title of grammateus. The Boule, or Senate, for instance, chose one of its members by show of hands to be its clerk or secretary for one year. His duty was to keep the archives of the Senate. So, too, a secretary was chosen by lot from the whole number of senators for each prytany to draft all resolutions of the Senate. His name is therefore generally given in the decrees next to that of the president and the proposer of the decree. The name of the grammateus of the first prytany was also given with that of the archon, as a means of marking the year with more accuracy. At the meetings of the Ecclesia, a clerk, elected by the people, had to read out the necessary documents. The office of the antigrapheis, or checking clerks, was of still greater importance. The antigrapheus of the Senate, elected at first by show of hands, but afterwards by lot, had to take account of all business affecting the financial administration. The antigrapheus of the administration had to make out, and lay before the public, a general statement of income and expenditure, and exercised a certain amount of control over all financial officials. In the Aetolian and Achaean leagues the grammateus was the highest officer of the league after the strategi and hipparchi.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Oct 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ETOLIA (Ancient area) ETOLOAKARNANIA
Aetolicum Foedus, (to koinon ton Aitolon). A confederation of
the Aetolian towns, afterwards joined by other towns and cantons of Greece, and
formed in B.C. 338, after the battle of Chaeronea, to counteract the influence
of Macedonia in the affairs of Greece. Its political existence was destroyed in
B.C. 189 by the treaty with Rome by which the Aetolians became Roman subjects.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Nov 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Aetolian League : Perseus Project
FERES (Ancient city) RIGAS FERAIOS
The tyrants of Pherae, Lycophron and Peitholaus, who were destitute of allies after the death of Onomarchus, gave Pherae over to Philip, while they themselves, being protected by terms of truce, brought together their mercenaries to the number of two thousand, and, having fled with these to Phayllus, joined the Phocians as allies. (Diod.+16.37, fr.12-16)
ILIA (Ancient country) GREECE
(...) On the other hand, after the disaster at Leuctra, when his adversaries in league with the Mantineans were murdering his friends and acquaintances in Tegea, and a coalition of all Boeotia, Arcadia and Elis had been formed, he (Agis) took the field with the Lacedaemonian forces only, thus disappointing the general expectation that the Lacedaemonians would not even go outside their own borders for a long time to come.
KAMIROS (Ancient city) RHODES
The three cities of Rhodes Lindos, Kamiros, and Ialysos together with Kos, Halikarnassos and Knidos formed the Dorian Hexapolis.
KOS (Ancient city) DODEKANISSOS
The three cities of Rhodes Lindos, Kamiros, and Ialysos together with Kos, Halikarnassos and Knidos formed the Dorian Hexapolis.
LESVOS (Island) NORTH AEGEAN
RHODES (Island) DODEKANISSOS
With the defeat of the Persians in Greece, Rhodes was compelled to join the Delian League in 478 B.C., but it resigned from the League in 411 B.C.
After Spartian power in the Aegean was destroyed by Conon in 394 B.C., Iasos was rebuilt, possibly with the aid of Knidos, and it joined a league of Aegean states that included Ephesos, Rhodes, Samos, and Byzantium.
In the 4th century B.C. Rhodes submitted first to Sparta, then to Athens, and in 357 B.C. became an ally of Persia.
SAMOS (Island) NORTH AEGEAN
After Spartian power in the Aegean was destroyed by Conon in 394 B.C., Iasos was rebuilt, possibly with the aid of Knidos, and it joined a league of Aegean states that included Ephesos, Rhodes, Samos, and Byzantium.
SAMOTHRAKI (Island) MAKEDONIA EAST & THRACE
THERMON (Ancient city) ETOLOAKARNANIA
Sanctuary of Apollo and meeting place of the Aetolian League
TRIZIN (Ancient city) GREECE
The league, however, did not acquire any great strength until B.C. 251, when Aratus united Sicyon, his native place, with it, and some years later also gained Corinth for it. Megara, Troezen, and Epidaurus soon followed their example. Afterwards Aratus prevailed upon all the more important towns of Peloponnesus to join the confederacy, and Megalopolis, Argos, Hermione, Phlius, and others were added to it. In a short time the league thus reached its highest power, for it embraced Athens, Aegina, Salamis, and the whole of Peloponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Tegea, Orchomenus, Mantinea, and Elis.
VIOTIA (Ancient area) GREECE
Boeotarches (Boiotarches). The Boeotians in ancient times occupied Arne in Thessaly
( Thuc.i. 12). Sixty years after the taking of Troy they were expelled by the
Thessalians, and settled in the country then called Cadmeis, but afterwards Boeotia.
The leader of the Boeotians was King Opheltas. It would seem that their kings
ruled the whole country from Thebes. Later on, the country was divided into several
States, containing each a principal city, with its allies and dependants. The
number and names of these independent States are differently given by different
writers on the subject; we know, however, for certain that they formed a confederacy
called the Boeotian League, with Thebes at its head, and Freeman is of opinion
that the political union grew out of an older Amphictyony. Common sanctuaries
were the temple of the Itonian Athene near Coronea, where the Pamboeotia were
celebrated, and the Temple of Poseidon in Onchestus. Thucydides (iv. 93) mentions
seven independent States: Thebes, Haliartus, Coronea, Copae, Thespiae, Tanagra,
and Orchomenus; and we learn from inscriptions that, at one time or other, the
following belonged to the same class: Anthedon, Lebadea, Hyettus, Acraephia, Chorsia
(or Korsia, Demosth. F. L. 141, etc.), Thisbe, Chaeronea. O. Muller (Orchom. p.
403) supposes there were originally fourteen free States. Probably the number
differed at different times. Each of the principal towns of Boeotia seems to have
had its demos and boule. The boule was presided over by an archon, who probably
had succeeded to the priestly functions of the old kings, but possessed little,
if any, executive authority. The polemarchs, who, in treaties and agreements,
are mentioned next to the archon, had some executive authority, but did not command
forces--e. g. they could imprison, and they directed the levies of troops. But,
besides the archon of each separate State, there was an archon of the confederacy
--archon en koinoi Boioton--most probably always a Theban. His name was affixed
to all alliances and compacts which concerned the whole confederacy, and he was
president of what Thucydides calls the four councils, who directed the affairs
of the league (hapan to kuros echousi). On important questions they seem to have
been united; for the same author speaks of them as he boule, and informs us that
the determinations of the Boeotarchs required the ratification of this body before
they were valid. We may now explain who these Boeotarchs were. They were properly
the military heads of the confederacy, chosen by the different States; but we
also find them discharging the functions of an executive in various matters. In
fact, they are represented by Thucydides as forming an alliance with foreign States;
as receiving ambassadors on their return home; as negotiating with envoys from
other countries, and acting as the representatives of the whole league, though
the boule refused to sanction the measures they had resolved on in the particular
case to which we are now alluding. Another instance in which the Boeotarchs appear
as executive is their interference with Agesilaus, on his embarking from Aulis
for Asia (B.C. 396), when they prevented him offering sacrifice as he wished.
Still, the principal duty of the Boeotarchs was of a military nature: thus, they
led into the field the troops of their respective States; and when at home they
took whatever measures were requisite to forward the military operations of the
league or of their own State. For example, we read of one of the Theban Boeotarchs
ordering the Thebans to come in arms to the ecclesia for the purpose of being
ready to attack Plataea. Each State of the confederacy elected one Boeotarch,
the Thebans two, although on one occasion--i. e. after the return of the exiles
with Pelopidas (B.C. 379)--we read of there being three at Thebes. The total number
from the whole confederacy varied with the number of the independent States. Mention
is made of the Boeotarchs by Thucydides, in connection with the battle of Delium
(B.C. 424). There is, however, a difference of opinion with respect to his meaning:
some understand him to speak of eleven, some of twelve, and others of thirteen
Boeotarchs. Dr. Arnold is disposed to adopt the last number; and we think the
context is in favour of the opinion that there were then thirteen Boeotarchs,
so that the number of free States was twelve. At the time of the battle of Leuctra
(B.C. 371), we find seven Boeotarchs mentioned; on another occasion, when Greece
was invaded by the Gauls (B.C. 279), we read of four. Livy states that there were
twelve, but before the time (B.C. 171) to which his statement refers Plataea had
been reunited to the league. Still the number mentioned in any case is no test
of the actual number, inasmuch as we are not sure that all the Boeotarchs were
sent out by their respective states on every expedition or to every battle.
The Boeotarchs, when engaged in military service, formed a council
of war, the decisions of which were determined on by a majority of votes, the
president being one of the two Theban Boeotarchs who commanded alternately. Their
period of service was a year, beginning about the winter solstice; and whoever
continued in office longer than his time was punishable with death both at Thebes
and in other cities. Epaminondas and Pelopidas did so on their invasion of Laconia
(B.C. 369), but their eminent services saved them; in fact, the judges did not
even come to a vote respecting the former (oude archen peri autou thesthai ten
psephon). At the expiration of the year, a Boeotarch was eligible to office a
second time, and Pelopidas was repeatedly chosen. From the case of Epaminondas
and Pelopidas, who were brought before Theban judges (dikastai) for transgression
of the law which limited the time of office, we may conclude that each Boeotarch
was responsible to his own State alone, and not to the general body of the four
councils.
Mention is made by Livy of an election of Boeotarchs. He further informs
us that the league (concilium) was broken up by the Romans B.C. 171. Still, it
must have been partially revived, as we are told of a second breaking-up by the
Romans after the destruction of Corinth, B.C. 146.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Oct 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
THORIKOS (Ancient city) ATTICA, EAST
AEGINA, AIGINA (Island) GREECE
Aigina. A mountainous and volcanic island in the Saronic gulf, halfway
between Attica and the Peloponnesos. Its geographic position explains its importance
in the commerce between the Greek states and around the Mediterranean basin
from the most remote periods of history. The island had commercial relations
with the Cyclades, with the cities along the coast of Anatolia, and with Egypt.
Archaeological remains indicate that the most ancient inhabitants
of the island came from the Near East. The first settlement, however, must have
been the result of a migration by Peloponnesian peoples around the end of the
4th millennium B.C. Remains testify to uninterrupted occupation and to a definite
cultural unity with the centers of population in the Peloponnesos, as well as
close ties with the Cyclades and S Greece.
Two great periods about which little is known can be identified:
one ca. 2000 B.C. with the appearance of peoples who used Minoan ware, the other
ca. 1400 B.C. when another people, of Achaian stock, brought Mycenaean ware.
The historic period begins around 950 B.C., probably after a brief
abandonment by the population in the 12th-10th c. Classical sources indicate
that the colonizers probably came from the Peloponnese, perhaps from Epidauros
(Herod. 8.46; Paus. 2.29.9). During the 7th and 6th c. B.C., Aigina became a
maritime power of the first order. There is no evidence of strong land ownership,
unlike the mainland where feudal concentration could provoke serious social
disturbances. Aigina had a stable and developed mercantile aristocracy which
spread the fame of its products, particularly pottery and bronze ware, throughout
the Mediterranean basin. In this connection, it is significant that the oldest
system of weights in the Classical world was developed on Aigina between 656
and 650 B.C., and the spread of Aiginetan money shows clearly her absolute supremacy.
At the beginning of the 6th c. B.C., Athens began to oppose the
supremacy of Aigina, and Solon passed special laws to limit the spread of Aiginetan
commerce, thereby causing the island to ally itself first with Sparta, then
with Thebes, and finally with Persia to oppose the rising Athenian power. In
488 B.C. the Aiginetan navy routed the Athenian ships, but 30 years later Athens
defeated the combined naval forces of Aigina and of Corinth, and in the following
years forced the island to surrender. In 431 B.C. Athens expelled the last of
the native population and apportioned the land among Athenians. After the Pergamene
conquest the island enjoyed a new period of prosperity (210 B.C.).
The most important archaeological sites on the island are near Cape
Colonna (named for the remains of a single column of a temple), on Mt. St. Elia,
and in the area of Mesagro. In the zone of Cape Colonna, the most important
and the oldest area, the remains of the stereobate of the temple mentioned above
are still visible, as well as some pedimental decorations of Parian marble.
The building was constructed of a yellowish, shell-bearing limestone
(a local poros), with a portico of Doric columns (6 x 12). In front of the cella
was a pronaos and behind the cella an opisthodomos from which the surviving
column comes. The date of the temple must be 520-500 B.C. At a lower level traces
of an older temple were discovered, dating from between the end of the 8th and
the beginning of the 6th c. A semicircular antefix from this temple has been
preserved. The archaic temple was dedicated to Apollo (to whom some inscriptions
refer) or to Poseidon. In the Late Roman period the temple was destroyed and
replaced by a building of huge proportions, similar to a fortress. Its cistern
has been found between the temple and the sea.
There are remains, SE of the temple, of an archaic propylon with
reliefs on the walls and an altar in the center, dating from the 6th c. It was
probably the Aiakeion. North of the archaic temple are traces of two small naiskoi
and of a round structure which was probably the tomb of Phokos (Paus. 2.29.9).
Farther W is a Pergamene building, perhaps the Attaleion. At the foot of the
hill, to the E, are a theater and a stadium. The outer wall of this sacred area
is partially preserved.
Excavations on the slopes of Mt. St. Elia have brought to light
a Thessalian settlement of ca. the 13th c. B.C. The site was abandoned at the
same time as the destruction of the Late Mycenaean centers of the area and was
reoccupied in the Geometric period; it took on a monumental character only in
the Pergamene era. In the Byzantine period a sanctuary, resembling a monastery
in structure, was built on the mountain; its remains can still be seen. With
regard to Mesagro, there are some Mycenaean ex-voto offerings, the oldest indications
of a religious practice. Around the middle of the 7th c., when the thalassocracy
of Aigina developed, a primitive sanctuary was built. Its sacred precinct included
a small altar, of which there are a few remains, and perhaps a small structure
for the image of Aphaia (Paus. 3.14.2), a divinity worshiped on the island in
this period who had a priestly service.
In the 6th c., when the thalassocracy of Aigina had reached its
greatest development, the sanctuary underwent modifications of a more monumental
character. The first temple (distyle in antis with a cella of three naves and
an adyton in two sections) was built; a second altar was set behind the first;
to the S, the monumental entrance to the sanctuary was constructed with an appropriate
propylon. To this building phase (the second) we may attribute a large inscription
which refers to the construction of an oikos of Aphaia during the hiereia of
a Kleoita or of a Dreoita.
The great building phase (the third) came at the beginning of the
5th c. The temple was enlarged and reoriented and the sacred area was tripled.
A large ramp was built from the temple to the altar, which was also enlarged
and made more imposing by a double staircase. The new temple was built on a
krepidoma of three steps. It was hexastyle, distyle in antis, with twelve columns
on the side; the cella had three naves with a double colonnade of five columns;
the limestone of the walls was covered by fine stucco. The pediment was painted
and the roof had marble tiles on the more visible portions and terracotta tiles
elsewhere. The acroterion consisted of an architectural motif with palmettes
flanked by two female figures. The first propylon gave access to the sacred
area and a second led to an inner division, on the S, for the priests.
The identity of the divinity to whom the sanctuary was dedicated
has been much discussed. The sculptures on the front clearly refer to Athena,
but an important dedicatory inscription mentions the building of an oikos of
Aphaia, a divinity named on numerous other inscriptions cut into the rock. Probably
the temple was dedicated to Athena but the local populace, assimilating this
divinity to their own autochthonous Aphaia, continued to use the name of the
old goddess to whom the archaic temple must have belonged.
The most important sculptures from Aigina are those of the front
of the temple of Aphaia, discovered in 1811. Seventeen statues from the pedimental
decoration are now in the Munich Glyptothek; they represent the first European
contact with archaic Greek art. Ten fairly well-preserved statues come from
the W pediment and five in less good condition from the E pediment; numerous
fragments come from at least two other statues, but it is impossible to establish
their positions.
The subject on both pediments is nearly the same: the struggle between
the heroes of Aigina and Troy in the presence of Athena. Comparison of the two
pediments reveals stylistic differences which raise the problem of contemporaneous
or successive production. The figures on the E side appear freer and less exact
in superficial detail, and present a more mature study of masses and of volumes.
The so-called archaic smile, obvious on the W side, is no longer present on
the E. A different date for the two pediments has therefore been proposed by
many scholars, but cannot be established with certainty, given the poor preservation
of the figures from the E side. If one accepts different dates, the W pediment
was probably completed just before the Persian wars and the E pediment after
the battle of Marathon.
Recent restorations of the groups in the Munich Glyptothek, carried
out by Italian experts under supervision of the museum staff, have fundamentally
changed their external appearance. Both the groupings and the positions of individual
statues against the background of the pediments have been altered.
Fragments of a third pediment group, now in the National Museum
at Athens, seem to complicate the problem of style. These fragments show obvious
stylistic affinities with the sculptures of the W pediment, so that we may reasonably
suppose this third group to be the original decoration of the E side of the
temple of Aphaia which was replaced by the new decoration mentioned above. This
would explain the obvious superiority shown by the W pediment grouping compared
to the E side. The first pediment probably remained on view inside the sacred
precinct, where it suffered badly from the weather. It is impossible, however,
to substantiate this conjecture as to the problem of the differences in style
between the two pediments; the problem remains open to discussion.
B. Conticello, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites,
Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Oct 2002 from
Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.
An island in the Sinus Saronicus, near the coast of Argolis.
The earliest accounts given by the Greeks make it to have been originally uninhabited,
and to have been called, while in this state, by the name of Oenone; for such
is evidently the meaning of the fable, which states that Zeus, in order to gratify
Aeacus, who was alone there, changed a swarm of ants into men, and thus peopled
the island. It afterwards took the name of Aegina, from the daughter of the Asopus.
But, whoever may have been the earliest settlers on the island, it is evident
that its stony and unproductive soil must have driven them at an early period
to engage in maritime affairs. Hence they are said to have been the first who
coined money for the purpose of commerce, used regular measures, a tradition which,
though no doubt untrue, still points very clearly to their early commercial habits.
It is more than probable that their commercial relations caused the people of
Aegina to be increased by colonies from abroad, and Strabo expressly mentions
Cretans among the foreign inhabitants who had settled there. After the return
of the Heraclidae, this island received a Dorian colony from Epidaurus and from
this period the Dorians gradually gained the ascendency in it, until at last it
became entirely Doric, both in language and form of government. Aegina, for a
time, was the maritime rival of Athens, and the competition eventually terminated
in open hostilities, in which the Athenians were only able to obtain advantages
by the aid of the Corinthians, and by means of intestine divisions among their
opponents. When Darius sent deputies into Greece to demand earth and water, the
people of Aegina, partly from hatred towards the Athenians, and partly from a
wish to protect their extensive commerce along the coasts of the Persian monarchy,
gave these tokens of submission. For this conduct they were punished by the Spartans.
In the war with Xerxes, therefore, they sided with their countrymen, and acted
so brave a part in the battle of Salamis as to be able to contest the prize of
valour with the Athenians themselves, and to bear it off, as well by the universal
suffrages of the confederate Greeks as by the declaration of the Pythian oracle.
After the termination of the Persian war, however, the strength of Athens proved
too great for them. Their fleet of seventy sail was annihilated in a sea-fight
by Pericles, and many of the inhabitants were driven from the island, while the
remainder were reduced to the condition of tributaries. The fugitives settled
at Thyrea in Cynuria, under the protection of Sparta, and it was not until after
the battle of Aegos-Potamos, and the fall of Athens, that they were able to regain
possession of their native island. They never attained, however, to their former
prosperity.
The situation of Aegina made it subsequently a prize for each
succeeding conqueror, until at last it totally disappeared from history. In modern
times the island nearly retains its ancient name, being called Aegina or, with
a slight corruption, Engia, and is often visited by travellers, being beautiful,
fertile, and well cultivated. As far back as the time of Pausanias, the ancient
city would appear to have been in ruins. That writer makes mention of some temples
that were standing, and of the large theatre built after the model of that in
Epidaurus. The most remarkable remnant of antiquity which this island can boast
of at the present day is the Temple of Pallas Athene, situated on a mount of the
same name, about four hours' distance from the port, and which is supposed to
be one of the most ancient temples in Greece, and one of the oldest specimens
of the Doric style of architecture.
This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Aegina (Aigina: Eth. Aiginhetes, Aegineta, Aeginensis, fem. Aiginetis: Adj. Aiginaios,
Aiginetikhos, Aegineticus: Eghina), an island in the Saronic gulf, surrounded
by Attica, Megaris, and Epidaurus, from each of which it was distant about 100
stadia. (Strab. p. 375) It contains about 41 square English miles, and is said
by Strabo (l. c.) to be 180 stadia in circumference. In shape it is an irregular
triangle. Its western half consists of a plain, which, though [p. 33] stony, is
well cultivated with corn, but the remainder of the island is mountainous and
unproductive. A magnificent conical hill now called Mt. St. Elias, or Oros (oros,
i. e. the mountain), occupies the whole of the southern part of the island, and
is the most remarkable among the natural features of Aegina. There is another
mountain, much inferior in size, on the north-eastern side. It is surrounded by
numerous rocks and shallows, which render it difficult and hazardous of approach,
as Pausanias (ii. 29. § 6) has correctly observed.
Notwithstanding its small extent Aegina was one of the most celebrated
islands in Greece, both in the mythical and historical period. It is said to have
been originally called Oenone or Oenopia, and to have received the name of Aegina
from Aegina, the daughter of the river-god Asopus, who was carried to the island
by Zeus, and there bore him a son Aeacus. It was further related that at this
time Aegina was uninhabited, and that Zeus changed the ants (mnruekes) of the
island into men, the Myrmidones, over whom Aeacus ruled (Paus.ii. 29. §2.; Apollod.iii.
12. § 6; Ov. Met. vii. 472, seq.) Some modern writers suppose that this legend
contains a mythical account of the colonization of the island, and that the latter
received colonists from Phlius on the Asopus and from Phthia in Thessaly, the
seat of the Myrmidons. Aeacus was regarded as the tutelary deity of Aegina, but
his sons abandoned the island, Telamon going to Salamis, and Peleus to Phthia.
All that we can safely infer from these legends is that the original inhabitants
of Aegina were Achaeans. It was after-wards taken possession of by Dorians from
Epidaurus, who introduced into the island the Doric customs and dialect. (Herod.
viii. 46; Paus. ii. 29. § 5.) Together with Epidaurus and other cities on the
mainland it became subject to Pheidon, tyrant of Argos, about B.C. 748. It is
usually stated on the authority of Ephorus (Strab. p. 376), that silver money
was first coined in Aegina by Pheidon, and we know that the name of Aeginetan
was given to one of the two scales of weights and measures current throughout
Greece, the other being the Euboic. There seems, however, good reason for believing
with Mr. Grote that what Pheidon did was done in Argos and nowhere else; and that
the name of Aeginetan was given to his coinage and scale, not from the place where
they first originated, but from the people whose commercial activity tended to
make them most generally known. (Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 432.) At
an early period Aegina became a place of great commercial importance, and gradually
acquired a powerful navy. As early as B.C. 563, in the reign of Amasis, the Aeginetans
established a footing for its merchants at Naucratis in Egypt, and there erected
a temple of Zeus. (Herod. ii. 178.) With the increase of power came the desire
of political independence; and they renounced the authority of the Epidaurians,
to whom they had hitherto been subject. (Herod. v. 83.) So powerful did they become
that about the year 500 they held the empire of the sea. According to the testimony
of Aristotle (Athen. p. 272), the island contained 470,000 slaves; but this number
is quite incredible, although we may admit that Aegina contained a great population.
At the time of their prosperity the Aeginetans founded various colonies, such
as Cydonia in Crete, and another in Umbria. (Strab. p. 376.) The government was
in the hands of an aristocracy. Its citizens became wealthy by commerce, and gave
great encouragement to the arts. In fact, for the half century before the Persian
wars and for a few years afterwards, Aegina was the chief seat of Greek art, and
gave its name to a school, the most eminent artists of which were Callon, Anaxagoras,
Glaucias, Simon, and Onatas, of whom an account is given in the Dict. of Biogr.
The Aeginetans were at the height of their power when the Thebans
applied to them for aid in their war against the Athenians about B.C. 505. Their
request was readily granted, since there had been an ancient feud between the
Aeginetans and Athenians. The Aeginetans sent their powerful fleet to ravage the
coast of Attica, and did great damage to the latter country, since the Athenians
had not yet any fleet to resist them. This war was continued with some interruptions
down to the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. (Herod. v.81, seq., vi. 86, seq.; Thuc.
i. 41.) The Aeginetans fought with 30 ships at the battle of Salamis (B.C. 480),
and were admitted to have distinguished themselves above all the other Greeks
by their bravery. (Herod. viii. 46, 93.) From this time their power declined.
In 460 the Athenians defeated them in a great naval battle, and laid siege to
their principal town, which after a long defence surrendered in 456. The Aeginetans
now became a part of the Athenian empire, and were compelled to destroy their
walls, deliver up their ships of war, and pay an annual tribute. (Thuc. i. 105,
108.) This humiliation of their ancient enemies did not, however, satisfy the
Athenians, who feared the proximity of such discontented subjects. Pericles was
accustomed to call Aegina the eye-sore of the Peiraeus (he lheue ton Peirhaieos,
Arist. Rhet. iii. 10.; comp. Cic. de Off. iii. 1. 1); and accordingly on the breaking
out of the Peloponnesian war in 431, the Athenians expelled the whole population
from the island, and filled their place with Athenian settlers. The expelled inhabitants
were settled by the Lacedaemonians at Thyrea. They were subsequently collected
by Lysander after the battle of Aegospotami (404), and restored to their own country,
but they never recovered their former state of prosperity. (Thuc. ii. 27; Plut.
Per. 34; Xen. Hell. ii. 2. 9; Strab. p. 375.) Sulpicius, in his celebrated letter
to Cicero, enumerates Aegina among the examples of fallen greatness (ad Fam. iv.
5).
The chief town in the island was also called Aegina, and was situated
on the north-western side. A description of the public buildings of the city is
given by Pausanias (ii. 29, 30). Of these the most important was the Aeaceium
(Aihakeion), or shrine of Aeacus, a quadrangular inclosure built of white marble,
in the most conspicuous part of the city. There was a theatre near the shore as
large as that of Epidaurus, behind it a stadium, and likewise numerous temples.
The city contained two harbours: the principal one was near the temple of Aphrodite;
the other, called the secret harbour, was near the theatre. The site of the ancient
city is marked by numerous remains, though consisting for the most part only of
foundations of walls and scattered blocks of stone. Near the shore are two Doric
columns of the most elegant form. To the S. of these columns is an oval port,
sheltered by two ancient moles, which leave only a narrow passage in the middle,
between the remains of towers, which stood on either side of the entrance. In
the same direction we find another oval port, twice as large as the former, the
entrance of which is protected in the same manner by ancient walls or moles, 15
or 20 feet thick. The latter of these ports seems to have been the large harbour,
[p. 34] and the former the secret harbour, mentioned by Pausanias. The walls of
the city are still traced through their whole extent on the land side. They were
about 10 feet thick, and constructed with towers at intervals not always equal.
There appear to have been three principal entrances.
On the hill in the north-eastern extremity of the island are the remains
of a magnificent temple of the Doric order, many of the columns of which are still
standing. It stood near the sea in a sequestered and lonely spot, commanding a
view of the Athenian coast and of the acropolis at Athens. The beautiful sculptures,
which occupied the tympana of the pediment, were discovered in 1811, buried under
the ruins of the temple. They are now preserved at Munich, and there are casts
from them in the British Museum. The subject of the eastern pediment appears to
be the expedition of the Aeacidae or Aeginetan heroes against Troy under the guidance
of Athena: that of the western probably represents the contest of the Greeks and
Trojans over the body of Patroclus. Till comparatively a late period it was considered
that this temple was that of Zeus Panhellenius, which Aeacus was said to have
dedicated to this god. (Paus. ii. 30. § § 3, 4.) But in 1826 Stackelberg, in his
work on the temple of Phigalia, started the hypothesis, that the temple, of which
we have been speaking, was in reality the temple of Athena, mentioned by Herodotus
(iii. 59); and that the temple of Zeus Panhellenius was situated on the lofty
mountain in the S. of the island. (Stackelberg, Der Apollotempel zu Bassae in
Arcadien, Rom, 1826.) This opinion has been adopted by several German writers,
and also by Dr. Wordsworth, but has been ably combated by Leake. It would require
more space than our limits will allow to enter into this controversy; and we must
therefore content ourselves with referring our readers, who wish for information
on the subject, to the works of Wordsworth and Leake quoted at the end of this
article. This temple was probably erected in the sixth century B.C., and apparently
before B.C. 563, since we have already seen that about this time the Aeginetans
built at Naucratis a temple to Zeus, which we may reasonably conclude was in imitation
of the great temple in their own island.
In the interior of the island was a town called Oea (Oie), at the
distance of 20 stadia from the city of Aegina. It contained statues of Damia and
Auxesia. (Herod. v. 83; Pans. ii. 30. § 4.) The position of Oea has not yet been
determined, but its name suggests a connection with Oenone, the ancient name of
the island. Hence it has been conjectured that it was originally the chief place
of the island, when safety required an inland situation for the capital, and when
the commerce and naval power which drew population to the maritime site had not
yet commenced. On this supposition Leake supposes that Oea occupied the site of
Palea--Khora, which has been the capital in modern times whenever safety has required
an inland situation. Pausanias (iii. 30. § 3) mentions a temple of Aphaea, situated
on the road to the temple of Zeus Panhellenius. The Heracleum, or temple of Hercules,
and Tripyrgia (Tripyrghia), apparently a mountain, at the distance of 17 stadia
from the former, are both mentioned by Xenophon (Hell. v. 1. § 10), but their
position is uncertain. (Dodwell, Tour through Greece, vol. i. p. 558, seq.; Leake,
Morea, vol. ii. p. 431, seq., Peloponnesiaca, p. 270, seq.; Wordsworth, Athens
and Attica, p. 262, seq.; Boblaye, Recherches Geographiques, p. 64; Prokesch,
Denkwurdigkeiten, vol. ii. p. 460, seq.; Muller, Aegineticorum Liber, Berol. 1817.)
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Ephorus says that silver was first coined in Aegina, by Pheidon; for the island, he adds, became a merchant center, since, on account of the poverty of the soil, the people employed themselves at sea as merchants, and hence, he adds, petty wares were called Aeginetan merchandise.
Aegina was apparently the first Greek city state to adopt coinage and its system of weights became one of the earliest standards for trade in the Greek historical period.
...Herodotus states that it was Pheidon, king of Argos, who regulated the measures
of the Peloponnese (Herod. vi. 127); and Ephorus, quoted by Strabo (viii. pp.
358 and 376), says that he struck nomisma to te allo kai to arguroun at the island
of Aegina. Certainly some of the earliest of the coins of Greece proper were the
electrum and silver money of Aegina, bearing the type of a tortoise. According
to Herodotus (vi. 127), Pheidon's son was one of the suitors of Agariste, daughter
of Cleisthenes of Sicyon. If this be true, his date must be brought down to that
of Cleisthenes, about 600-580 B.C.; and we agree with Unger, who has discussed
the whole question of the date of Pheidon in the Philologus (vols. 28, 29), that
there is good reason to believe that there was a Pheidon ruling in Argos at that
period. The testimony of Herodotus is too clear and explicit to be rejected. And
this king it must certainly have been who introduced coins into Greece. It is
contrary to all evidence to place that introduction at so early a period as the
eighth Olympiad.
Whether it was this Pheidon who also regulated the measures of the
Peloponnese may be considered more doubtful. That the same ruler regulated the
weights also is not stated by Herodotus, but is probable. That there was an earlier
Pheidon is proved by a mass of testimony; and the explicit statement of Pausanias
(vi. 22, 2) that he presided at the eighth Olympic festival appears too definite
to be disputed. The conjecture of Weissenborn, who wishes to substitute twenty-eighth
for eighth, is rightly rejected by Unger, and has indeed nothing in its favour,
besides being quite inconsistent with the testimony of Herodotus; and it may be
this earlier Pheidon who regulated Peloponnesian weights and measures.
In any case we may allow the truth of the tradition that
silver coin was first struck in Hellas proper in the island of Aegina. Of
this very primitive coinage we possess many specimens. Their type is a turtle,
the emblem of the Phoenician goddess of trade. One specimen in the British Museum
weighs 211 grains, but few weigh more than 200 grains. It is difficult to determine
whence the Aeginetans or Argives derived this standard, which is called the
Aeginetan. It is possible that it is merely a slightly degraded form of the
Phoenician. Argos had been from early times in constant commercial intercourse
with the Phoenicians, and long before the invention of coinage the Argives must
have been in the habit of using bars of metal of fixed weight. It is possible
that Pheidon, in regulating the weight of the Aeginetan stater, thought best
to adapt it to the Babylonic gold standard, which was already in use, as we
shall see, in some parts of Greece for silver. The Babylonic stater weighing
130 grains, he may have lowered the standard of Phoenicia (supposing that to
have been in use at Argos) so that his new staters should weigh 195 grains,
and two of them exchange for three of the Babylonic staters. Of late years attempts
have been made to deduce the Aeginetic mina from the water-weight of the cube
of the Olympic foot, and so to connect it with Hellenic systems of metrology.
These, however, are speculations; what is. certain is, that the scale of the
coins with the tortoise on them, a scale henceforward called Aeginetan, spread
with great rapidity over Greece. It was in the sixth century used everywhere
in Peloponnesus except at Corinth, and was the customary standard in the Cyclades;
in Thessaly, Boeotia, and the whole of Northern Greece, except Euboea; and some
parts of Macedon. Its weights are as follows:
Grammes.
Grains.
Talent 37,800
585,000
Mina 630
9,750
Stater (didrachm) 12.60
195
Drachm 6.30
97
Obol 1.05
16
This extract is from: A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890) (eds. William Smith, LLD, William Wayte, G. E. Marindin). Cited Aug 2005 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
ASPROPYRGOS (Town) ATTIKI
West of the plain of Athens, and separated from it by the range of
Aigaleos, is the Thriasian plain with its most important ancient centers at Eleusis
at the W end of the Bay of Eleusis and at Thria. The position of the latter is
not precisely located. What indications there are, however, point to the neighborhood
of the modern town of Aspropyrgos, once the rural community of Chalyvia, set towards
the E end of the plain about 3 km from the shore. Here, sculpture and inscriptions--one,
IG II2 6266, a grave monument for a demesman of Thria--have been discovered in
the walls of the houses and chapels in the vicinity. Moreover, in antiquity the
road leading into the plain of Athens through the gap between Parnes and Aigaleos
passed nearby. Today the only obvious ancient remain is a rectangular grave plot
of Early Roman Imperial date. It is enclosed with large white marble blocks, one
of which is decorated with a sculptured wreath and supports a marble table inscribed
with the names of the deceased, Straton of the deme of Kydathenaion, his wife,
and son. The grave lies some distance S of Aspropyrgos, alongside the Athens-Eleusis
highway, a few m W of the junction between it and the road to Aspropyrgos.
C.W.J. Eliot, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites,
Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from
Perseus Project URL below, which contains bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.
ATHENS (Ancient city) GREECE
Archon was the title of the chief magistrates in many Greek states. The wide diffusion
of the name is attested by a multitude of inscriptions. We find it in Boeotia
applied both to federal and city magistrates; at Delphi, where a long list of
archons is preserved, and other towns of Phocis; towns in Thessaly, with three
archons to each; in Locris, in many islands of the Aegaean, and in outlying cities
like Cyzicus and Olbia.
At Athens, according to tradition, royalty was abolished on the death
of Codrus, B.C. 1068, and his son Medon became the first archon for life. The
archonship remained hereditary in the line of Medon and twelve successors, and
must have been a slightly modified royalty under another name; but there is no
sufficient ground for the conjecture (presently to be noticed) that neither the
name nor the attributes of royalty underwent any change at all. The next step,
dated B.C. 752, was to limit the continuance of the office to ten years, still
confining it to the Medontidae, or house of Codrus, in whose family it was hereditary.
Seven decennial archons are reckoned, Charops, Aesimides, Cleidicus, Hippomenes,
Leocrates, Apsandrus, Eryxias; but only the four first of these were of the ancient
royal race. In 713 a further revolution threw open the chief magistracy to all
the Eupatridae. With Kreon, who succeeded Eryxias, the archonship was not only
made annual, but put into commission and distributed among nine persons. It is
from this date, B.C. 683, that trustworthy Athenian chronology begins; and these
nine archons annually changed continue throughout the historical period, interrupted
only by the few intervals of political disturbance and foreign domination.
The essentially legendary character of these accounts of early times
would seem to render any criticism of their details, from the historical point
of view, more or less unprofitable. The broad fact remains that at Athens, as
elsewhere in Greece, hereditary monarchy passed into a commonwealth which at the
dawn of authentic history was still in its oligarchic stage. But when we find,
in works of high authority, attempts to reconstruct the Athenian constitution
for the four centuries assumed between Codrus and the annual archons, some notice
of them seems demanded. It has been maintained, as the result of a critical inquiry,
that the monarchy existed at Athens, without essential modifications, until B.C.
752; the hereditary successors of Codrus had therefore, during three centuries,
the same powers as their illustrious ancestor. We must therefore briefly touch
upon the questions how far (1) the powers and (2) the name of royalty were really
affected by the change traditionally associated with the death of Codrus.
The received view is thus stated in an often-quoted passage of Pausanias
(iv. 5,10): The people first deprived the successors of Melanthus [the father
of Codrus], who were called Medontidae, of the greater part of their authority,
and changed the monarchy into a responsible government (archen hupeuthunon); they
afterwards further limited their government to ten years. On this M. Caillemer
raises the objection, that we know of no political body to whom the archons can
have been responsible. The answer is obvious, to the general body of the Eupatridae,
who were at this time and long afterwards the demos at Athens, the only fully
enfranchised citizens. Even in the Heroic age the royal power had its limits (epi
rhetois gerasi, Thucyd. i. 13); and when the halo of divinity which attached to
the name of basilus had disappeared with the change of title, the controlling
influence of the nobles was doubtless augmented. Probably, like the barons in
feudal monarchies and the Venetian nobles under the early doges, they at least
exercised the right of deposition. We can hardly, therefore, accept the assertion
that the powers of royalty were not limited ; the prestige of royalty had vanished,
though Athens, like other ancient republics, granted a large amount of arbitrary
authority, even in matters of life and death, to her chief magistrates. And as
regards the mere name, too much has been made of Plato's essentially rhetorical
and dramatic language (Menex. 238 D; Sympos. 208 D), and of the casual expressions
of a writer so late as Pausanias, who couples the phrase tous apo Melanthou basileusantas
with the statement that Theseus introduced the democracy! (i. 3, cf. vii. 2,1)
or the still later and more uncritical Aelian (V. H. v. 13, viii. 10). It is enough
to say with Westermann that the archons are some-times called by the Beiname,
familiar or nickname, of basileuontes. The single archon, whether perpetual or
decennial, of course discharged those priestly duties of the old kings which were
afterwards assigned to a subordinate member of the Nine, the second or king-archon;
and this circumstance is quite sufficient to account for the occasional use of
the name.
The nine annual archons during nearly the first century of their existence
were still chosen from the Eupatridae exclusively, and by show of hands (arche
hairete or cheirotonete). They still in reality stood at the head of the state
as the supreme magistracy, combining the chief administrative and judicial functions.
It is probable that a law of Draco (621) transferred the jurisdiction in cases
of homicide from the archons and court of Areiopagus to the Ephetae; but, with
this exception, the entire judicial system seems to have been in their hands.
At the time of Cylon's revolt (about 612) they still managed the greater part
of the public affairs (Thucyd. i. 126). This arrangement continued till the timocracy
established by Solon, who made the qualification for office depend not on birth,
but property, still retaining the election by suffrage. Two important changes
remained to be made, before we arrive at the developed democracy as it stood from
the age of Pericles to that of Demosthenes: the abolition of the property qualification,
and the election by lot. The date and authorship of the former of these changes
are matters of little doubt. Aristides, who had himself been archon in 489, the
year after Marathon, under the old rule as a pentakosiomedimnos (Plut. Asrist.
1), ten years later, when all classes of citizens had been drawn together in enthusiastic
resistance to the Persian invader, proposed and carried a law that the archonship
and other offices should be open to all Athenians without distinction (ib. 22).
The effect of this chance was less sweeping than at first sight appears. We must
remember that the Solonian constitution had reckoned only income from land, not
personal property, in classifying the citizens; and the actual effect of Aristides'
law was solely to get rid of the monopoly of these offices by the larger landed
proprietors, in favour of the trading classes and of capitalists in general. Besides,
the devastation of Attica by the Persian invader had compelled many who had hitherto
been rich to part with their lands, and had created a dangerous class of discontented
Eupatrids who were not only impoverished but saw their political rights diminished,
and were ready to conspire against the constitution (Plut. Arist. 13).
The question at what time the election by lot was introduced is both
difficult and obscure, owing to the conflict of ancient authorities; and recent
scholars have arrived at very different conclusions. The notion that this change
was due to Solon may be at once dismissed; it rests only on the loose statements
of orators, who flattered their hearers by ascribing all democratic legislation
to the great lawgiver (Demosth. c. Lept. 90; c. Androt. 30). And Aristotle expressly
states that Solon made no change in the halresis or mode of election, but only
in the qualification for office (Pol. ii. 12,3). The introduction of the lot is
ascribed to Cleisthenes by Westermann. Among those who have upheld a later date
are Niebuhr and Grote; some regarding it as anterior to the battle of Marathon,
others as connected with Aristides' admission of all classes to the office, and
therefore later than the battle of Plataea. In favour of the earlier date are
the statements of Herodotus that Callimachus, the polemarch at Marathon, was ho
toi kuamho lachon (vi. 109); and of Plutarch, who uses the same words of Aristides'
archonship in 489 (Plut. Arist. 1). But the dates of political changes were, as
has been seen, so speedily forgotten by the Athenians themselves that we cannot
be surprised if Herodotus, a foreigner, made a mistake on this point though writing
in the next generation; while Plutarch mentions that the historian Idomeneus (circ.
310-270) had stated that Aristides was elected by suffrage. We may grant to Schomann
that Plutarch had no doubt that the lot was the rule, and yet argue that Idomeneus
may have preserved a genuine tradition which Plutarch, who records it, did not
know how to explain. There is, we think, a strong case to be made out in favour
of the view of Lugebil and Caillemer (ubi supra), that this was one of the reforms
of Ephialtes, the friend of Pericles, about 461-458. We may be allowed to see,
though Herodotus did not, the absurdity of supposing that Callimachus, as an archon
appointed by lot, could have had equal authority with the ten generals; and the
fact that, in the early part of the century, the ablest Athenian statesmen--Themistocles,
Aristides, Xanthippus the father of Pericles--were all eponymous archons, while
afterwards neither Pericles himself nor any Athenian known to history enjoyed
that honour, may fairly be balanced against the testimony of uncritical writers,
however numerous. On the whole, this late date for the change may be accepted,
not as certain, but as by far the most probable.
The frequent occurrence at Athens of boards of ten men, one from each
tribe, and the tribal constitution of the senate of 500 and its prytanies, have
led to the suggestion that the nine archons also belonged each to a different
tribe. This conjecture of H. Sauppe's is approved by Schomann. The tenth tribe
may have been represented by the grammateus or secretary, as suggested by Telfy,
rather than by the hieromnemon, as Sauppe thought. There is evidence that the
grammateus was on some occasions associated with the archons as a tenth man, e.
g. in drawing lots for the dicasts among the tribes (Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 277
; Vesp. 772).
Still,, after the removal of the old restrictions, some security was
left to insure respectability; for, previously to an archon entering on office,
he underwent a double dokimasia (not, like other magistrates, a single one [DOKIMASIA])
before the senate and before a dicastery. Pollux calls this inquiry anakrisis:
but that word has another technical sense, and in the Orators we only find the
verb anakrinein (Dem. c. Eubul. 66,70; Deinarch. in Aristog. 17; Pollux, viii.
85). The archon was examined as to his being a legitimate and a good citizen,
a good son, and his having served in the army, and, it is added, being qualified
in point of property (ei to timema estin autoi, Poll.); but this latter condition,
if it existed at all after the time of Aristides, soon became obsolete. We read
in Lysias (Or. 24, pro Inval.13) that a needy old man, so poor as to receive a
state allowance, was not disqualified from being archon by his indigence, but
only by bodily infirmity ; freedom from all such defects being required for the
office, as it was in some respects of a sacred character. Yet, even after passing
a satisfactory dokimasia, each of the archons, in common with other magistrates,
was liable to be deposed, on complaint of misconduct made before the people, at
the first regular assembly in each prytany. On such an occasion, the epicheirotonia,
as it was called, took place; and we read (Dem. c. Theocrin.28; Pollux, viii.
95; Harpocrat. s. v. kuria ekklesia) that in one case the whole body of thesmothetai
was deprived of office for the misbehaviour of one of their body: they were, however,
reinstated, on promise of better conduct for the future.
We are enabled, by means of inscriptions, to trace the archonship
through the greater part of the Roman period. Athens as a libera civitas (eleuthera
kai autonomos) was freed from the duty of receiving a Roman garrison, and had
the administration of justice (jurisdictio) according to its own laws. But, as
with the consulate at Rome, the archonship now became merely honorary, and the
dignity of eponumos was given by way of compliment to distinguished foreigners,
like king Rhoemetalkes of Thrace and the emperor Hadrian. In these instances,
at least, it would seem that election by lot was no longer the rule.
With the growth of democracy, the archons gradually lost the great
political power which they had possessed as late as the time of Solon, perhaps
even of Cleisthenes. They became, in fact, not as of old, directors of the government,
but merely municipal magistrates, exercising functions and bearing titles which
we will proceed to describe.
It has been already stated that the duties of the single archon were
shared by a college of nine. The first or president of this body was called ho
archon, by way of pre-eminence; and in later times eponumos, from the year being
distinguished by and registered in his name. But this phrase, contrary to the
general opinion, did not come into use until after the Roman conquest. The second
was styled basileus, or the king-archon; the third, polemarchos, or commander-in-chief;
the remaining six, thesmothetai, or legislators. As regards the duties of the
archons, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish what belonged to them individually
and what collectively. It seems, however, that a considerable portion of the judicial
functions of the ancient kings devolved upon the Archon Eponymus, who was also
constituted a sort of state protector of those who were unable to defend themselves
(Lex ap. Dem. c. Macart. 75; Pollux, viii. 89). Thus he had to superintend orphans
and their estates, heiresses, families losing their representatives (oikoi hoi
exeremoumenoi), widows left pregnant, and to see that they were not wronged in
any way. Should any one do so, he was empowered to inflict a fine of a certain
amount, or to bring the parties to trial. Heiresses, indeed, seem to have been
under his peculiar care ; for we read (Lex ibid. 54) that he could compel the
next of kin either to marry a poor heiress himself, even though she were of a
lower class, or to portion her in marriage to another. Again we find (Lex ibid.
16; Pollux, viii. 62) that, when a person claimed an inheritance or heiress adjudged
to others, he summoned the party in possession before the archon-eponymus (epidikasia:
cf. HERES),
who brought the case into court, and made arrangements for trying the suit. We
must, however, bear in mind that this authority was only exercised in cases where
the parties were citizens, the polemarch having corresponding duties when the
heiress was an alien. It must also be understood that, except in very few cases,
the archons did not decide themselves, but merely brought the causes into court,
and cast lots for the dicasts who were to try the issue (Dem. c. Steph. ii.22,
23). Another duty of the archons was to receive informations against individuals
who had wronged heiresses, children who had maltreated their parents, and guardians
who had neglected or defrauded their wards [KAKOSIS].
The various modes of prosecution, by apagoge, ephegesis, endeixis, eisangelia,
or phasis, came as a rule before all the archons indiscriminately; but we find
the endeixis especially connected with the office of the thesmothetae (Dem. c.
Timocr. 23). The last office of the archon which we shall mention was of a sacred
character; we allude to his superintendence of the greater Dionysia and the Thargelia,
the latter celebrated in honour of Apollo and Artemis. (Pollux, viii. 89; cf.
Meier, Att. Process)
The functions of the basileus, or King Archon, were almost all connected
with religion: his distinguishing title shows that he was considered a representative
of the old kings in their capacity of high priest, as the Rex Sacrificulus was
at Rome. Thus he presided at the Lenaean or older Dionysia ; superintended the
mysteries and the games called lampadephoriai, and had to offer up sacrifices
and prayers in the Eleusinium, both at Athens and Eleusis. Moreover, indictments
for impiety, and controversies about the priesthood, were laid before him; and,
in cases of murder, he brought the trial into the court of the Areiopagus, and
voted with its members. His wife, also, who was called basilissa basilinna, had
to offer certain sacrifices, and therefore it was required that she should be
a citizen of pure blood, and not previously married. His court was held in what
was called he tou basileos stoa (Dem. c. Neaer. 74, 75; c. Androt. 27: Lysias,
c. Andoc. 4, where the duties are enumerated; Elmsley, Ad Aristoph. Acharn. 1143,
et Scholia; Harpocr. s. v. Epimeletes ton musterion: Plato, Euthyphr. ad init.
et Theaet. ad fin.; Pollux, viii. 90). The Polemarch was originally, as his name
denotes, the commander-in-chief (Herod. vi. 109, 111; Pollux, viii. 91); and we
find him discharging military duties as late as the battle of Marathon, in conjunction
with the ten strategol: he there took, like the kings of old, the command of the
right wing of the army. This, however, seems to be the last occasion on record
of this magistrate being invested with such important functions; and in after
ages we find that his duties ceased to be military, having been in a great measure
transferred to the protection and superintendence of the resident aliens, so that
he resembled in many respects the praetor peregrinus at Rome. In fact, we learn
from Aristotle, in his Constitution of Athens, that the polemarch stood in the
same relation to foreigners as the archon to citizens (Arist. ap. Harpocr. s.
v.; Pollux, viii. 91, 92). Thus, all actions affecting aliens, the isoteles and
proxeni, were brought before him previously to trial; as, for instance, the dike
aprostasiou against a metoikos, for living in Athens without a patron; so was
also the dike apostasiou against a slave who failed in his duty to the master
who had freed him. Moreover, it was the polemarch's duty to offer the yearly sacrifice
to Artemis, in commemoration of the vow made by Callimachus at Marathon, and to
arrange the funeral games in honour of those who fell in war. The functions of
the three first archons are very clearly distinguished in a passage of Demosthenes,
c. Lacr. 48. These three archons--the eponumos, basileus, and polemarchos--were
each allowed two assessors (paredroi) to assist them in the discharge of their
duties.
The Thesmothetae did not act singly, but formed a collegium (sunedrion,
Hyperid. pro Eux. col. 22). They appear to have been called legislators, because
in the absence of a written code they might be said to make laws (thesmoi, an
older word for nomoi), though in reality they only declared and explained them.
They were required to review, every year, the whole body of laws, that they might
detect any inconsistencies or superfluities, and discover whether any laws which
had been repealed were wrongly retained in the public records (Aeschin. c. Ctes.38,
39). Their report was submitted to the people, who referred the necessary alterations
to a jury of sworn dicasts impanelled for the purpose, and called nomothetai [NOMOTHETAE].
In the Athenian legal system the thesmothetae had a more extensive
jurisdiction than the three archons who, in point of dignity, enjoyed precedence
over them. It may be said, indeed, that all cases not specially reserved to other
magistrates came naturally before them. Their duties included the receiving of
informations, getting up cases as juges d'instruction, and presiding at the trial
before a jury (hegemonia dikasteriou). The following are instanced as being under
their jurisdiction: endeixis, eisangelia other than kakoseos (see above), probolai,
the Dokimasia of magistrates generally and the Euthynae of the Strategi; among
public causes, graphai agraphiou, agraphou metallou, adikiou, apateseos tou demou,
bouleuseos, dekasmou, doroxenias, doron, exagoges, hetaireseos, kataluseos tou
demou, moicheias, nomismatos diaphthoras, xenias, proagogeias, prodosias, sukophantias,
turannidos, hubreos, pseudengraphes, pseudokleteias: among private ones, dikai
ageorgiou, ameliou (an obscure case hardly to be distinguished from ageorgiou)
anagoges, arguriou, bebaioseos, blabes, engues, enoikiou, exoules, kakegorias,
klopes, parakatathekes, sumbolaion parabaseos, chreous: and finally, all dikai
emporikai, metallikai, eranikai, and dikai apo sumbolon. We also find, in the
Orators, informations laid before the thesmothetae in the following cases: For
breach of the law against cutting down olive-tress (Dem. c. Macart. § 71); conspiracy
to defeat the ends of justice (Dem. c. Steph. ii. 35 f.); if a foreigner married
a citizen, or a man gave in marriage as his own daughter the child of another,
or confined as an adulterer one who was not so (Dem. c. Neaer.17, 52, 66). If
a man banished for homicide returned without a legal pardon, the thesmothetae
might order him to summary execution (Dem. c. Aristocr. 31). The name thesmothetae
is sometimes applied to all the nine, and not merely to the six minor archons:
mostly, no doubt, in late inscriptions (C. L. G. 380) and grammarians (Arg. to
Dem. c. Androt.), but occasionally even in classical writers. For instance, in
Dem. c. Eubul. 66, the phrase tous thesmothetas anakrinete must be equivalent
to tous ennea archontas anakrinete in the concluding section of the speech. On
the other hand, the words archai and archontes are used in reference to magistrates
in general, not to the nine exclusively. Thus in Isaeus (Or. 1,Cleonymus, 14)
certain archontes are spoken of who (in 15) are shown to be the astunomoi.
In their collective capacity the archons also superintended to epicheirotonia
of the magistrates, held every prytany (eperotosin ei dokei kalos archein), and
brought to trial those whom the people deposed, if an action or indictment were
the consequence of it. Moreover, they attended jointly to the annual ballot for
the dicasts or jurymen, and presided in the assemblies for the election of strategi,
taxiarchs, hipparchs, and phylarchs (Pollux, viii. 87, 88; Harpocrat. s. v. katacheirotonia).
The places in which the archons exercised their judicial power were,
with the exception of that assigned to the Polemarch, without doubt all situated
in the market. That of the first archon was by the statues of the ten Eponymi;
that of the archon Basileus beside the so-called Bucolium, a building not otherwise
known, in the neighbourhood of the Prytaneum, or else in the so-called Hall of
the King; that of the Thesmothetae in the building called after them Thesmothesium,
in which they, and perhaps the whole nine, are said to have dined at the public
expense. The Polemarch had his office outside the walls, but quite close to the
city, adjoining the Lyceum. In their oath of office the archons promised faithfully
to observe the laws and to be incorruptible, and in the case of transgression
to consecrate at Delphi a golden statue of the same size as themselves (isometreton,
Plat. Phaedr. 235 D). Suidas improves upon this, making them three statues instead
of one, at Athens, Delphi, and Olympia (s. v. chruse eikon). The simplest explanation
of this absurdity is Schomann's, that it is an ancient formula used to denote
an impossible penalty, the non-payment of which of necessity entailed Atimia.
A few words will suffice for the privileges and honours of the archons.
The greatest of the former was the exemption from the trierarchies--a boon not
allowed even to the successors of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. As a mark of their
office, they wore a chaplet or crown of myrtle; and if any one struck or abused
one of the thesmothetae or the archon, when wearing this badge of office, he became
atimos, or infamous in the fullest extent, thereby losing his civic rights (Dem.
c. Lept. 28, c. Meid. 33; Pollux, viii. 86). The archons, at the close of their
year of service, when they had delivered their account and proved them-selves
free from blame, were admitted among the members of the Areiopagus. [AREIOPAGUS]
The Archon Eponymus being an annual magistrate at Athens, like the consul at Rome,
it is manifest that a correct list of the archons is an important element in the
determination of Athenian chronology. Now from Creon (B.C. 683), the first annual
archon, to Myrus (B.C. 499), we have the names of about thirty-four. From B.C.
495 to 292, Diodorus and Dionysius of Halicarnassus furnish an almost unbroken
succession for a period of nearly 200 years. After B.C. 292, about 166 names have
been recovered, mostly from inscriptions, and many of them undated, down to the
latest Roman period; the latest with a date being A.D. 485 (Meier, Index Archontum
eponymorum qui post Ol. cxxi. 2 eum magistratum obtinuerunt; Marin. Vit. Proc.
36).
(Appendix). Against the received tradition that the Medontidae, the early successors
of Codrus, held office for life, but without the title of king, the contention
of Lugebil and Caillemer that both the name and the attributes of royalty survived
almost unchanged, has now received important confirmation. In Ath. pol. c. 3 it
is stated that in the times before Draco the head of the state was styled basileus,
and ruled for life; next to him was a polemarchos, or commander-in-chief, who
indeed dates back to the period of the real kings; thirdly, an archon, or chief
civil magistrate. These two officers were probably elected for a term of years
by the Eupatrids, and formed an important check on the autocracy of the titular
king. Mr. Kenyon remarks: The abolition of the title of king as that of the chief
magistrate of the state probably took place when the decennial system was established.
The name was then retained only for sacrificial and similar reasons, and, to mark
the fact that the kingly rule was actually at an end, the magistrate bearing the
title was degraded to the second position, while the Archon, whose name naturally
suggested itself as the best substitute for that of king, was promoted to the
titular headship of the state.
Fresh light is also thrown on the question as to the time when the
election by lot was introduced. We find the following stages in the history of
the method of election to this office: (1) prior to Draco, the archons were nominated
by the Areopagus; (2) under the Draconian constitution they were elected by the
ecclesia; (3) under the Solonian constitution, so far as it was not disturbed
by internal troubles and revolutions, they were chosen by lot from forty candidates
selected by the four tribes; (4) under the constitution of Cleisthenes they were
directly elected by the people in the ecclesia; (5) after 487 B.C. they were appointed
by lot from 100 (or 500, see below) candidates selected by the ten tribes; (6)
at some later period the process of the lot was adopted also in the preliminary
selection by the tribes (Ath. pol. c. 22). As regards the number of candidates
selected under the arrangement of 487 B.C. the MS. here gives 500, but the writer
had previously stated (c. 8) that each tribe chose ten candidates, making a total
of 100. It is probable that for pentakosion (ph') we should read ekaton (r').
After the expulsion of Damasias, who in a two years' archonship (B.C.
582-1) tried to establish a tyranny, we have for one year the unprecedented number
of ten archons, of whom five were Eupatrids, three agroikoi = Geomori, and two
Demiurgi (c. 13). The conjecture that the tenth tribe, which did not elect an
archon, was compensated by having the appointment of the secretary (grammateus),
is stated as a fact (Ath. pol. c. 55).
The received account of the abolition of the property qualification
must also be modified. If, according to Plutarch's account, Aristides in 479 B.C.
widened the area of eligibility, he may at most have extended it from the pentakosiomedimnoi
to the hippeis. It is now definitely stated (Ath. pol. c. 26) that the zeugitai
first became eligible in 457 B.C., five years after the death of Ephialtes: which
shows incidentally that the murder of Ephialtes must have taken place immediately
after the triumph of his democratic legislation in 462. It is a further curious
fact, that the property qualification was never entirely abolished by law. The
thetikon telos or lowest class, was still in theory ineligible for any office,
but in the time of Aristotle a member of that class was allowed to represent himself
as a zeugites by a legal fiction (c. 7).
In the archons' oath we get a rational explanation of the chruse eikon
without the absurd addition isometretos. The archons and, it would seem, the diaetetae
also, swore that if they accepted bribes they would dedicate a golden image -presumably
of equal value to the amount received, though this is not explicitly stated. A
somewhat similar explanation is given by Thompson on Plat. Phaedr. 235 D (Ath.
pol. cc. 7, 54).
It has generally been held, as by Schomann, that all magistracies (archai in the
technical sense) were unpaid at Athens (cf. HYPERETES).
The treatise before us mentions, on the contrary, the pay of many public officers;
and there is reason to think that that of the archons was four obols a day, though
the passage (Ath. pol. c. 62) is mutilated and the words enn[ea archon]tes partly
conjectural.
The Athenian name for the supreme authority established on the abolition of royalty. On the death of the last king, Codrus, B.C. 1068, the headship of the state for life was bestowed on his son Medon and his descendants under the title of Archon. In B.C. 752 their term of office was reduced to ten years; in 714 their exclusive privilege was abolished, and the right to hold the office thrown open to all the nobility, while its duration was diminished to one year; finally in B.C. 683 the power was divided among nine Archons. By Solon's legislation his wealthiest class, the pentakosiomedimnoi, became eligible to the office; and by Aristides' arrangement after the Persian Wars, it was thrown open to the whole body of citizens, Clisthenes having previously, in the interests of the democracy, substituted the drawing of lots for election by vote . . .
This extract is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Demus (demos). A word which originally denoted a district or
country. Then, because in the early days the lower classes lived in the country
and the nobles in the city, it received the meaning of commons or common people.
A third use, likewise derived from the original signification, is seen in its
application to the local divisions, or townships as it were, of Attica.
A certain number of these demoi, or demes, were included in
each of the ten tribes established by Clisthenes to replace the four old Ionic
tribes. Their exact number at that time is not positively known, though it is
supposed by some, from a statement of Herodotus, to have been one hundred. In
the third century before Christ, at all events, they numbered one hundred and
seventyfour. The names of one hundred and forty-five of these are known to us
from inscriptions. If, however, we consider the division of some demes into kathuperthen
and hupenerthen, and of others between two different tribes, this sum is increased
to one hundred and fifty-six. The names were derived in part from places, as in
the case of Acharnae, Rhamnus, etc., and in part from the founders of the demes,
as in the case of Erchia and of Daedalidae. The largest deme, according to Thucydides,
was Acharnae, which in the Peloponnesian War was able to furnish three thousand
heavily armed troops.
At the time of his reforms Clisthenes admitted many resident
aliens and even slaves to citizenship, and to this fact is due that alteration
in the official designation of citizens which he also introduced. They were no
longer designated by the father's name only, but also by the name of the deme
to which they belonged. The demes now became the centres of the local administrative
power, and are said by Aristotle to have taken the place of the naucraries. Each
deme had its register of citizens, its own property, its own meetings and religious
observances, and its own demarch. This officer made out the lists of the deme's
property, kept in his possession the lexiarchic register, or register of qualified
citizens, and convened the demesmen at will (Harpocration, s. v. Demarchos). At
these meetings the public business of the deme was transacted, such as the leasing
of property, the election of officers, the revision of the lexiarchic register,
and the enrolment of new members.
When a man was first admitted to citizenship he had the right
to choose his own tribe and deme, but otherwise a man belonged to the same deme
as his natural or adoptive father. The legitimate children of citizens could be
enrolled on attaining their majority at the age of eighteen, and adopted children,
whenever presented by their adoptive fathers. The enrolment took place in the
presence of the assembled demesmen. If any member questioned the candidate's eligibility
the matter was settled by a majority vote of those presentIllegal registration,
however, was not uncommon, and certain demes, as Potamus for example, were notorious
for this abuse. To counteract this evil an official investigation of those inscribed
in the register, called diapsephisis (Harpocration, s. v. Diapsephisis), was held
at various times by the deme. A similar examination was also held if, by any chance,
the lexiarchic registers were lost or destroyed. If any one in the course of this
inquiry was disfranchised by vote of the demesmen, he had the right of appeal
to the courts. If the decision of the deme were sustained he was sold as a slave
and his property was confiscated. But were he successful in his suit his name
was restored to the register of the deme.
A man was not obliged to reside within the limits of the deme
of which he was a member. But he could only hold property in another deme upon
payment to the demarch of a tax, called enktetikon. This tax, however, was sometimes
remitted by the demes in the case of individuals to whom they desired to grant
special privileges or honours.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Nov 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
CORFU (Island) IONIAN ISLANDS
The island of Corfu was inhabited in the Palaeolithic Era. At that
period Corfu was a continuation of the mountain range of Pindos,
was joined to the mainland of Greece and constituted a headland of Epirus.
The human presence is also ascertained on the island at the Neolithic Period and
the Bronze Age.
The great importance of the geographical position of Corfu, on the
sea route to the shores of the Adriatic and Italy, caused, according to Diodorus
Siculus, Strabo and Plutarch, the interest of the Eretrians (people from the island
of Euboea) around 750 BC.
The Euboean city-state was overthrown in 734 BC by a group of Corinthians
under the leadership of Chersicrates, of the aristocratic family of Bacchiadae,
descendants of Hercules. The island was named Corkyra and the doric writing prevailed.
The new Corinthian colony, that was named Chersoupolis, was founded
to the south of the present city, on the peninsula we know today as Palaeopolis.
The new inhabitants brought from the metropolis their customs, worship and way
of government. The favourable conditions for the autonomous development of the
colony were obvious from the beginning and very soon Corfu was promoted to a big
commercial and naval power of the Ancient Greek world. The city acquired powerful
war-fleet and a colony of her own: Epidamnus
on the coast of Illyria (current
Durrazzo), successfully confronting
Corinth in the trade, a fact that soon led the two cities to conflict.
Thucydides mentions that the oldest sea battle known to have been
taken place between the Greeks occurred in 664 BC, between Corinth
and Corfu, in which Corfu triumphed.
During this period, by the influence of Corinthian artists, great
works of art were made, like the lioness on the cenotaph of Menecrates at Garitsa,
the doric temple at Kardaki, and the temples of Hera and Artemis with the famous
pediment of Gorgon. The pediment is exhibited in the archaeological museum of
the city and is the oldest stone pediment that has been found until today.
After the death of the tyrant of Corinth Periandros (585 BC), Corcyra
recovered its independence from the metropolis Corinth and gradually reached the
acme of its prosperity. Already a naval power offered 60 triremes for the war
against the Persians. Around this time circulated its first coins.
The alliance with Athens and the entanglement of Corfu in the Peloponnesian
War (431-404 BC), which bursts out on the occasion of the voluntary adhesion of
the colony of Epidamnus to the Corinthian camp and the consequential civil war
between the aristocrats and the democrats (backed by Corinth and Athens
respectively), had, as a result, the gradual weakening of the island, its entanglement
in serious war conflicts and the final collapse and decline.
Corfu in 229 BC, after several raids and suzerainties, was forced
to ask the protection of the Romans and finally yielded to them, in order to protect
itself from the Illyric pirates. Under the Roman sovereignty remained for the
next five centuries (337 AD).
The Romans used the island as naval base for their expeditions in
mainland Greece and the East. Nevertheless, in 31 BC, on the eve of the naval
battle in Actium, Agrippa,
an ally of Octavian, destroyed the city, to punish the Corcyreans for having sided
with Mark Antony. A long period of decline began.
Later the Roman Emperors granted a number of privileges to Corcyra
in acknowledgement of the assistance that the city offered to the roman fleet.
The city maintained a relative autonomy with her own laws and currency. During
this period many notable Romans bought land-properties and built luxurious villas
in various parts of the island. Amongst the Romans that visited Corcyra was the
notorious rhetor (speaker) and politician Cicero, the Emperors Vespasian, Antoninus
Pius, Septimius Severus, and Nero, who, as tradition has it, sang before the altar
of Zeus Cassius in Cassiope, (a city of great acme during this period).
The Romans attended to the water supply of the ancient city transporting
water with vaulted aquaduct from the area of Katakalou. The most important event
of this period is the Christianization of Corfu by two disciples of St. Paul,
Jason and Sosipater, which occurred in the first half of the 1st century AD. Corcyra
was one of the first Greek cities to convert to Christianity. One of the first
martyrs on the island was the daughter of the Roman vice-consul, the young Kerkyra,
later sanctified by the Christian Church. In the next two centuries Christianity
prevailed on the island and the Church of Corcyra, already in acme, participated
with her bishop, Apollodorus, in the First Ecumenical Council in Nicaea
of Bethany in 325 AD.
This extract is cited May 2003 from the Municipality of Kerkyra URL below, which contains images.
ETHEA (Ancient city) LACONIA
Meanwhile the Thasians being defeated in the field and suffering siege, appealed
to Lacedaemon, and desired her to assist them by an invasion of Attica. Without
informing Athens she promised and intended to do so, but was prevented by the
occurrence of the earthquake, accompanied by the secession of the Helots and the
Thuriats and Aethaeans of the Perioeci to Ithome. Most of the Helots were the
descendants of the old Messenians that were enslaved in the famous war; and so
all of them came to be called Messenians.
KASTORIA (Prefecture) GREECE
The wider geographic area is identified with the area of ancient Orestida,
where the Orestes - "Macednoi", as Herodotus calls them - lived. Form there the
Macedonian Kings started uniting the other states to form the great Macedonian
State. During the Roman Empire period the region was dominated by the Romans in
197 BC, who allow the formation of a particular local independence.
This text (extract) is cited June 2003 from the Prefecture
of Kastoria tourist pamphlet.
Archidamus was king of the Lacedaemonians for twenty-three years, and Agis his son succeeded to the throne and ruled for fifteen1 years. After the death of Archidamus his mercenaries, who had participated in plundering the shrine, were shot down by the Lucanians, whereas Phalaecus, now that he had been driven out of Lyctus, attempted to besiege Cydonia (343/2 B.C.). He had constructed siege engines and was bringing them up against the city when lightning descended and these structures were consumed by the divine fire, and many of the mercenaries in attempting to save the engines perished in the flames. Among them was the general Phalaecus. But some say that he offended one of the mercenaries and was slain by him. The mercenaries who survived were taken into their service by Eleian exiles, were then transported to the Peloponnese, and with these exiles were engaged in war against the people of Elis. When the Arcadians joined the Eleians in the struggle and defeated the exiles in battle, many of the mercenaries were slain and the remainder, about four thousand, were taken captive. After the Arcadians and the Eleians had divided up the prisoners, the Arcadians sold as booty all who had been apportioned to them, while the Eleians executed their portion because of the outrage committed against the oracle.
This extract is from: Diodorus Siculus, Library (ed. C. H. Oldfather, 1989). Cited Oct 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.
MEGARA (Ancient city) GREECE
Towards the end of the 11th c. BC Doric tribes from Argolis
settled in Megaris and
built the first villages. Much later, five villages merged to found Megara. The
oldest finds go back to the 8th c. BC, and the first border clashes with neighbouring
Corinth started at around
the end of the century. The first colony was founded in Sicily (Megara
Hyblaea, 728 BC) at about the same time, and this was followed by other colonies
in the next century in Propontis, the most important being Byzantium
(660 BC). Ca. 600 BC Megara came under the rule of the tyrant Theagenes. The expansion
of Athens in the 6th
c. BC created serious problems for the city, which resulted in the loss of Salamis
and Nisaea.
In the 2nd half of the same century Megara's prosperity, which arose
from its flourishing industry, stockfarming and trade generally, was also reflected
in its architecture with the construction of many public buildings. The important
figures in this period were the engineer Eupalinos and the poet Theognis, at this
time when severe social upheavals were occurring. During the Persian Wars Megarian
ships took part in the naval battle of Salamis and Megarian hoplites in the Battle
of Plataea. A few years
later a war between Megara and Corinth broke out (460 BC) and the Megarians were
forced to ally themselves with Athens.
The Megarian Decree (432 BC), which excluded Megarian ships from every commercial
harbour controlled by the Athenian state, was one of the causes of the Peloponnesian
War, in the course of which the Megarians suffered terrible hardships.
In the 4th c. BC, in spite of the fact that the city was occasionally
embroiled in wars and disputes with Corinth in 395 BC, with Athens over the sacred
earth (orgas) shortly before 350 BC and with Philip II in 339 BC, Megara followed
a pacific policy which contributed to the expansion of its economy. For the first
time the city struck its own silver coin with symbols Apollo's head and a lyre.
Along with the great building activity, public places and sanctuaries were embellished
with works by the the great sculptors of the period, as well as the philosopers
Eucleides and Stilpon of the Philosophical School of Megara, were active at this
time. The capture of the city by Demetrios Poliorcetes in 307 BC and the seizure
of its numerous slaves were a great blow to the economy. During the Hellenistic
period Megara entered the Achaean and Boeotian League, In 146 BC it was taken
by the Romans, who destroyed it in 45 BC. The 2nd c. AD brought a new period of
growth and prosperity, especially under the emperor Hadrian, when many public
works were carried out. Politically Megara belonged to Boeotia until 395 AD, when
it was definitely destroyed by the Goths. In the 2nd half of the same century
Megara's prosperity, which arose from its flourishing industry, stockfarming and
trade generally, was also reflected in its architecture with the construction
of many public buildings. The important figures in this period were the engineer
Eupalinos and the poet Theognis, at this time when severe social upheavals were
occurring. During the Persian Wars Megarian ships took part in the naval battle
of Salamis and Megarian hoplites in the Battle of Plataea. A few years later a
war between Megara and Corinth broke out (460 BC) and the Megarians were forced
to ally themselves with Athens. The Megarian Decree (432 BC), which excluded Megarian
ships from every commercial harbour controlled by the Athenian state, was one
of the causes of the Peloponnesian War, in the course of which the Megarians suffered
terrible hardships. In the 4th c. BC, in spite of the fact that the city was occasionally
embroiled in wars and disputes with Corinth in 395 BC, with Athens over the sacred
earth (orgas) shortly before 350 BC and with Philip II in 339 BC, Megara followed
a pacific policy which contributed to the expansion of its economy. For the first
time the city struck its own silver coin with symbols Apollo'd head and a lyre.
Along with the great building activity, public places and sanctuaries were embellished
with works by the the great sculptors of the period, as well as the philosopers
Eucleides and Stilpon of the Philosophical School of Megara, were active at this
time. The capture of the city by Demetrios Poliorcetes in 307 BC and the seizure
of its numerous slaves were a great blow to the economy.
During the Hellenistic period Megara entered the Achaean and Boeotian
League, In 146 BC it was taken by the Romans, who destroyed it in 45 BC. The 2nd
c. AD brought a new period of growth and prosperity, especially under the emperor
Hadrian, when many public works were carried out. Politically Megara belonged
to Boeotia until 395
AD, when it was definitely destroyed by the Goths.
PELOPONNISOS (Region) GREECE
A name given to the great contest between Athens and her allies
on the one side, and the Peloponnesian confederacy, headed by Sparta, on the other,
which lasted from B.C. 431 to 404. The war, which is one of the most memorable
and epoch-making in the history of Europe, was a consequence of the jealousy with
which Sparta and Athens regarded each other, as States each of which was aiming
at supremacy in Greece, as the heads respectively of the Dorian and Ionian races,
and as patrons of the two opposite forms of civil government, oligarchy and democracy.
The war was eagerly desired by a strong party in each of those States, but it
was necessary to find an occasion for commencing hostilities, especially as a
truce for thirty years had been concluded between Athens and Sparta in the year
B.C. 445. Such an occasion was presented by the affairs of Corcyra and Potidaea.
In a quarrel, which soon became a war, between Corinth and Corcyra, respecting
Epidamnus, a colony of the latter State (B.C. 436), the Corcyreans applied to
Athens for assistance. Their request was granted, as far as the conclusion of
a defensive alliance between Athens and Corcyra, and an Athenian fleet was sent
to their aid, which, however, soon engaged in active hostilities against the Corinthians.
Potidaea, on the isthmus of Pallene, was a Corinthian colony, and, even after
its subjection to Athens, continued to receive every year from Corinth certain
functionaries or officers (epidemiourgoi). The Athenians, suspecting that the
Potidaeans were inclined to join in a revolt, to which Perdiccas, king of Macedon,
was instigating the towns of Chalcidice, required them to dismiss the Corinthian
functionaries, and to give other pledges of their fidelity. The Potidaeans refused,
and, with most of the other Chalcidian towns, revolted from Athens and received
aid from Corinth. The Athenians sent an expedition against them, and, after defeating
them in battle, laid siege to Potidaea (B.C. 432). The Corinthians now obtained
a meeting of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Sparta, in which they complained
of the conduct of Athens with regard to Corcyra and Potidaea. After others of
the allies had brought their charges against Athens, and after some of the Athenian
envoys, who happened to be in the city, had defended the conduct of their State,
the Spartans first, and afterwards all the allies, decided that Athens had broken
the truce, and they resolved upon immediate war; King Archidamus alone recommended
some delay.
In the interval necessary for preparation, an attempt was made
to throw the blame of commencing hostilities upon the Athenians by sending three
several embassies to Athens with demands of such a nature as could not be accepted.
In the assembly which was held at Athens to give a final answer to these demands,
Pericles, who was now at the height of his power, urged the people to engage in
the war, and laid down a plan for the conduct of it. He advised the people to
bring all their movable property from the country into the city, to abandon Attica
to the ravages of the enemy, and not to suffer themselves to be provoked to give
them battle with inferior numbers, but to expend all their strength upon their
navy, which might be employed in carrying the war into the enemy's territory,
and in collecting supplies from subject States; and further, not to attempt any
new conquest while the war lasted. His advice was adopted, and the Spartan envoys
were sent home with a refusal of their demands, but with an offer to refer the
matters in difference to an impartial tribunal, an offer which the Lacedaemonians
had no intention of accepting. After this the usual peaceful intercourse between
the rival States was discontinued. Thucydides dates the beginning of the war from
the early spring of the year B.C. 431, the fifteenth of the thirty years' truce,
when a party of Thebans made an attempt, which at first succeeded, but was ultimately
defeated, to surprise Plataea.
The truce being thus openly broken, both parties addressed
themselves to the war. The Peloponnesian confederacy included all the States of
Peloponnesus except Achaia (which joined them afterwards) and Argos, and without
the Peloponnesus, Megaris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, the island of Leucas, and
the cities of Ambracia and Anactorium. The allies of the Athenians were Chios
and Lesbos, besides Samos and the other islands of the Aegaean which had been
reduced to subjection (Thera and Melos, which were still independent, remained
neutral), Plataea, the Messenian colony in Naupactus, the majority of the Acarnanians,
Corcyra, Zacynthus, and the Greek colonies in Asia Minor, in Thrace and Macedonia,
and on the Hellespont. The resources of Sparta lay chiefly in her land forces,
which, however, consisted of contingents from the allies, whose period of service
was limited; the Spartans were also deficient in money. The Athenian strength
lay in the fleet, which was manned chiefly by foreign sailors, whom the wealth
collected from the allies enabled them to pay. Thucydides informs us that the
cause of the Lacedaemonians was the more popular, as they professed to be deliverers
of Greece, while the Athenians were fighting in defence of a dominion which had
become odious through their tyranny, and to which the States which yet retained
their independence feared to be brought into subjection.
In the summer of the year B.C. 431 the Peloponnesians invaded
Attica under the command of Archidamus, king of Sparta. Their progress was slow,
as Archidamus appears to have been still anxious to try what could be done by
intimidating the Athenians before proceeding to extremities. Yet their presence
was found to be a greater calamity than the people had anticipated; and when Archidamus
made his appearance at Acharnae, they began loudly to demand to be led out to
battle. Pericles firmly adhered to his plan of defence, and the Peloponnesians
returned home. Before their departure the Athenians had sent out a fleet of a
hundred sail, which was joined by fifty Corcyrean ships, to waste the coasts of
Peloponnesus; and towards the autumn Pericles led the whole disposable force of
the city into Megaris, which he laid waste. In the same summer the Athenians expelled
the inhabitants of Aegina from their island, which they colonized with Athenian
settlers. In the winter there was a public funeral at Athens for those who had
fallen in the war, and Pericles pronounced over them an oration, the substance
of which is preserved by Thucydides. In the following summer (B.C. 430) the Peloponnesians
again invaded Attica under Archidamus, who now entirely laid aside the forbearance
which he had shown the year before, and left scarcely a corner of the land unravaged.
This invasion lasted forty days. In the meantime, a grievous pestilence broke
out in Athens, and raged with the more virulence on account of the crowded state
of the city. Of this terrible visitation Thucydides, who was himself a sufferer,
has left a minute and apparently faithful description. The murmurs of the people
against Pericles were renewed, and he was compelled to call an assembly to defend
his policy. He succeeded so far as to prevent any overtures for peace being made
to the Lacedaemonians, but he himself was fined, though immediately afterwards
he was reelected general. While the Peloponnesians were in Attica, Pericles led
a fleet to ravage the coasts of Peloponnesus. In the winter of this year Potidaea
surrendered to the Athenians on favourable terms. The next year (B.C. 429), instead
of invading Attica, the Peloponnesians laid siege to Plataea. The brave resistance
of the inhabitants forced their enemies to convert the siege into a blockade.
In the same summer, an invasion of Acarnania by the Ambracians and a body of Peloponnesian
troops was repulsed; and a large Peloponnesian fleet, which was to have joined
in the attack on Acarnania, was twice defeated by Phormion in the mouth of the
Corinthian Gulf. An expedition sent by the Athenians against the revolted Chalcidian
towns was defeated with great loss.
In the preceding year (B.C. 430) the Athenians had concluded
an alliance with Sitalces, king of the Odrysae in Thrace, and Perdiccas, king
of Macedon, on which occasion Sitalces had promised to aid the Athenians to subdue
their revolted subjects in Chalcidice. He now collected an army of 150,000 men,
with which he first invaded Macedonia, to revenge the breach of certain promises
which Perdiccas had made to him the year before, and afterwards laid waste the
territory of the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans, but he did not attempt to reduce
any of the Greek cities. About the middle of this year Pericles died. The invasion
of Attica was repeated in the next summer (B.C. 428), and immediately afterwards
all Lesbos except Methymne revolted from the Athenians, who laid siege to Mitylene.
The Mitylenaeans begged aid from Sparta, which was promised, and they were admitted
into the Spartan alliance. In the same winter a body of Plataeans, amounting to
220, made their escape from the besieged city in the night, and took refuge in
Athens. In the summer of B.C. 427 the Peloponnesians again invaded Attica, while
they sent a fleet of forty-two galleys, under Alcidas, to the relief of Mitylene.
Before the fleet arrived Mitylene had surrendered, and Alcidas, after a little
delay, sailed home. In an assembly which was held at Athens to decide on the fate
of the Mitylenaeans, it was resolved, at the instigation of Cleon, that all the
adult citizens should be put to death, and the women and children made slaves;
but this barbarous decree was repealed the next day. The land of the Lesbians
(except Methymne) was seized and divided among Athenian citizens, to whom the
inhabitants paid a rent for the occupation of their former property. In the same
summer the Plataeans surrendered; they were massacred, and their city was given
up to the Thebans, who razed it to the ground. In the year B.C. 426 the Lacedaemonians
were deterred from invading Attica by earthquakes. An expedition against Aetolia,
under the Athenian general Demosthenes, completely failed; but afterwards Demosthenes
and the Acarnanians routed the Ambracians, who nearly all perished. In the winter
(B.C. 426-425) the Athenians purified the island of Delos, as an acknowledgment
to Apollo for the cessation of the plague. At the beginning of the summer of B.C.
425 the Peloponnesians invaded Attica for the fifth time. At the same time the
Athenians, who had long directed their thoughts towards Sicily, sent a fleet to
aid the Leontini in a war with Syracuse. Demosthenes accompanied this fleet, in
order to act, as occasion might offer, on the coast of Peloponnesus. He fortified
Pylus on the coast of Messenia, the northern headland of the modern Bay of Navarino.
In the course of the operations which were undertaken to dislodge him, a body
of Lacedaemonians, including several noble Spartans, got blockaded in the island
of Sphacteria, at the mouth of the bay, and were ultimately taken prisoners by
Cleon and Demosthenes. Pylus was garrisoned by a colony of Messenians, in order
to annoy the Spartans. After this event the Athenians engaged in vigorous offensive
operations, of which the most important was the capture of the island of Cythera
by Nicias early in B.C. 424. This summer, however, the Athenians suffered some
reverses in Boeotia, where they lost the battle of Delium, and on the coasts of
Macedonia and Thrace, where Brasidas, among other exploits, took Amphipolis. The
Athenian expedition to Sicily was abandoned, after some operations of no great
importance, in consequence of a general pacification of the island, which was
effected through the influence of Hermocrates, a citizen of Syracuse. In the year
B.C. 423 a year's truce was concluded between Sparta and Athens, with a view to
a lasting peace. Hostilities were renewed in B.C. 422, and Cleon was sent to cope
with Brasidas, who had continued his operations even during the truce. A battle
was fought between these generals at Amphipolis, in which the defeat of the Athenians
was amply compensated by the double deliverance which they experienced in the
death both of Cleon and Brasidas. In the following year (B.C. 421) Nicias succeeded
in negotiating a peace with Sparta for fifty years, the terms of which were a
mutual restitution of conquests made during the war and the release of the prisoners
taken at Sphacteria. This treaty was ratified by all the allies of Sparta except
the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians. This peace never rested on
any firm basis. It was no sooner concluded than it was discovered that Sparta
had not the power to fulfil her promises, and Athens insisted on their performance.
The jealousy of the other States was excited by a treaty of alliance which was
concluded between Sparta and Athens immediately after the peace, and intrigues
were commenced for the formation of a new confederacy, with Argos at the head.
An attempt was made to draw Sparta into alliance with Argos, but it failed. A
similar overture subsequently made to Athens met with better success, chiefly
through an artifice of Alcibiades, who was at the head of a large party hostile
to the peace, and the Athenians concluded a treaty offensive and defensive with
Argos, Elis, and Mantinea for one hundred years (B.C. 420). In the year B.C. 418
the Argive confederacy was broken up by their defeat at the battle of Mantinea,
and a peace, and soon after an alliance, was made between Sparta and Argos. In
the year B.C. 416 an expedition was undertaken by the Athenians against Melos,
which had hitherto remained neutral. The Melians surrendered at discretion; all
the males who had attained manhood were put to death; the women and children were
made slaves; and subsequently five hundred Athenian colonists were sent to occupy
the island.
The fifty years' peace was not considered at an end, though
its terms had been broken on both sides, till the year B.C. 415, when the Athenians
undertook their daring and tragic expedition to Sicily. Sicily proved a rock against
which their resources and efforts were fruitlessly expended. And Sparta, which
furnished but a commander and a handful of men for the defence of Syracuse, soon
beheld her antagonist reduced, by a series of unparalleled misfortunes, to a state
of the utmost distress and weakness. The accustomed procrastination of the Spartans,
and the timid policy to which they ever adhered, alone preserved Athens in this
critical moment, or at least retarded her downfall. Time was allowed for her citizens
to recover from the panic and consternation occasioned by the news of the Sicilian
disaster; and instead of viewing hostile fleets, as they had anticipated, ravaging
their coasts and blockading the Piraeus, they were enabled still to dispute the
empire of the sea and to preserve the most valuable of their dependencies. Alcibiades,
whose exile had proved so injurious to his country, since it was to his counsels
alone that the successes of her enemies are to be attributed, now interposed in
her behalf, and by his intrigues prevented the Persian satrap, Tissaphernes, from
placing at the disposal of the Spartan admiral that superiority of force which
must at once have terminated the war by the complete overthrow of the Athenian
Republic. The temporary revolution which was effected at Athens by his contrivance
also, and which placed the State at variance with the fleet and army stationed
at Samos, afforded him another opportunity of rendering a real service to his
country by moderating the violence and animosity of the latter. The victory of
Cynossema and the subsequent successes of Alcibiades, now elected to the chief
command of the forces of his country, once more restored Athens to the command
of the sea, and, had she reposed that confidence in the talents of her generals
which they deserved and her necessities required, the efforts of Sparta and the
gold of Persia might have proved unavailing. But the second exile of Alcibiades,
and, still more, the iniquitous sentence which condemned to death the generals
who fought and conquered at Arginusae, sealed the fate of Athens; and the battle
of Aegos Potamos at length terminated a contest which had been carried on, with
scarcely any intermission, during a period of twenty-seven years, with a spirit
and animosity unparalleled in the annals of warfare. Lysander now sailed to Athens,
receiving as he went the submission of the allies, and blockaded the city, which
surrendered after a few months (B.C. 404) on terms dictated by Sparta, with a
view of making Athens a useful ally by giving the ascendency in the State to the
oligarchical party.
The history of the Peloponnesian War was written by Thucydides,
upon whose accuracy and impartiality, as far as his narrative goes, we may place
the fullest dependence. His history ended abruptly in the year B.C. 411. For the
rest of the war we have to follow Xenophon and Diodorus. The value of Xenophon's
history is impaired by his prejudice, and that of Diodorus by his carelessness.
This text is from: Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
PNYKA (Hill) ATHENS
Ecclesia. The assembly of the people, which in Greek cities had the power
of final decision in public affairs.
(1) At Athens every citizen in possession of full civic rights
was entitled to take part in it from his twentieth year upwards. In early times
one ecclesia met regularly once a year in each of the ten prytanies of the Senate;
in later times four, making forty annually. Special assemblies might also be called
on occasion. The place of meeting was in early times the marketplace, in later
times a special locality, called the Pnyx; but generally the theatre, after a
permanent theatre had been erected. To summon the assembly was the duty of the
Prytanes, who did so by publishing the notice of proceedings. There was a special
authority, a board of six Lexiarchi (lexiarchoi) with thirty assistants, whose
business it was to keep unauthorized persons out of the assembly. The members
on their appearance were each presented with a ticket, on exhibiting which, after
the conclusion of the meeting, they received a payment of an obolus (about three
cents), in later times of three obols. After a solemn prayer and sacrifice the
president (epistates) communicated to the meeting the subjects of discussion.
If there were a previous resolution of the Senate for discussion, he put the question
whether the people would adopt it or proceed to discuss it. In the debates every
citizen had the right of addressing the meeting, but no one could speak more than
once. Before doing so he put a crown of myrtle on his head. The president (but
no one else) had the right of interrupting a speaker. If his behaviour were unseemly,
the president could cut short his harangue, expel him from the rostrum and from
the meeting, and inflict upon him a fine not exceeding 500 drachmae ($83). Cases
of graver misconduct had to be referred to the Senate or Assembly for punishment.
Any citizen could move an amendment or counter-proposal, which he handed in writing
to the presiding prutaneia. The president had to decide whether it should be put
to vote. This could be prevented, not only by the mere declaration of the president
that it was illegal, but by any one present who bound himself on oath to prosecute
the proposer for illegality. The speaker might also retract his proposal. The
votes were taken by show of hands. The voting was never secret, unless the question
affected some one's personal interest, as in the case of ostracism. In such cases
a majority of at least 6000 votes was necessary. The resolution (psephisma) was
announced by the president, and a record of it taken, which was deposited in the
archives, and often publicly exhibited on tables of stone or bronze. After the
conclusion of business, the president, through his herald, dismissed the people.
If no final result was arrived at, or if the business was interrupted by a sign
from heaven, such as a storm or a shower of rain, the meeting was adjourned. Certain
classes of business were assigned to the ordinary assemblies.
The functions of the ecclesia were:
(a) To take part in legislation. At the first regular assembly
in the year the president asked the question whether the people thought any alteration
necessary in the existing laws. If the answer were in the affirmative, the proposals
for alteration were brought forward, and in the third regular assembly a legislative
commission was appointed from among the members of the Heliaea or jury for the
current year. The members of this commission were called nomothetai. The question
between the old laws and the new proposals was then decided by a quasi-judicial
process under the presidency of the thesmothetai, the proposers of the new law
appearing as prosecutors, and advocates, appointed by the people, coming forward
to defend the old one. If the verdict were in favour of the new law, the latter
had the same authority as a resolution of the ecclesia. The whole proceeding was
called "voting (epicheirotonia) upon the laws." In the decadence of
the democracy the custom grew up of bringing legislative proposals before the
people, and having them decided at any time that pleased the proposer.
(b) Election of officials. This only affected, of course, the
officials who were elected by show of hands, as the strategi and ministers of
finance, not those chosen by lot. In the first ecclesia of every prytany the archon
asked the question whether the existing ministers were to be allowed to remain
in office or not, and those who failed to commend themselves were deposed.
(c) The banishment of citizens by ostracism.
(d) Judicial functions in certain exceptional cases only. Sometimes,
if offences came to its knowledge, the people would appoint a special commission
of inquiry, or put the inquiry into the hands of the Areopagus or the Senate.
Offences committed against officials or against private individuals were also
at times brought before the assembly, to obtain from it a declaration that it
did, or did not, think the case one which called for a judicial process. Such
a declaration, though not binding on the judge, always carried with it a certain
influence. (e) In legal co-operation with the Senate the ecclesia had the final
decision in all matters affecting the supreme interests of the State, as war,
peace, alliances, treaties, the regulation of the army and navy, finance, loans,
tributes, duties, prohibition of exports or imports, the introduction of new religious
rites and festivals, the awarding of honours and rewards, and the conferring of
the citizenship.
This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
POROS (Island) GREECE
Poros was known in ancient times as Kalavria. Sferia, where the city
of Poros is situated today, was uninhabited. Neolithic findings have been
located on the Methana peninsula and in Poros near the Poseidon
sanctuary.
Kalavria was the sacred site, where Poseidon and Apatouria Athena
were worshipped and where the amphictiony (confederation of states) of Kalavria
was developed. In the particular amphictyony (alliance) participated the seven
most important city-states of the area: Athens,
Aegina, Epidaurus,
Hermione, Prasies,
Nauplion, Orchomenos
and enjoyed its acme from the last prehistoric years until the 5th century B.C.
However, the Poseidon
Temple continued to be a site of cult and inviolable asylum for fugitives.
The most famous of them, the orator Demosthenes, was opposed to the Macedonian
imperialism and tried to turn his compatriots against Alexander the Great. When
Athens was dominated by the
Macedonians, he was accused of misappropriation and not being able to pay the
fine, he escaped to Aegina
and from there he continued his opposition. He was then sentenced to death, and
took refuge to the sanctuary
of Poseidon in Poros, but his opponents discovered him and he committed suicide
poisoning himself.
This text (extract) is cited December 2003 from the Galata
& Poros Rented Apts & Rooms Association tourist pamphlet.
Island in the Saronic Gulf to the NE of Troizen. It was known as Kalauria (Strab. 8.6.14) and Kalaureia (Apoll. Rhod. III 1243) in antiquity. Chanddler (Voy. As. Mm. Grece I 228) identified Poros as Kalauria. The ancient city was located at the highest part of Poros. At first it was independent, with a high magistrate called tamias but later came under the dominion of Troizen. The area was inhabited from the Early Helladic period. The city preserves sections of the Hellenistic walls, a contemporary stoa and an unidentified heroon that lie at the agora. The harbor of the city was named Pogon. A street led from it to the Temple of Poseidon through a propylon. The cult on the area dates to the beginning of the 8th c. B.C. The temple, enclosed in a peribolos, is a Doric peripteros (6 x 12 columns) and dates to ca. 520 B.C. Between the temple and the propylon there were three stoas dating in the 4th c. B.C. and a fourth dating ca. 420 B.C. Another long stoa and a rectangular building lie SW of the hieron. The latter has been associated with the convention of the maritime amphictyony of Kalauria (Strab. 8.6.14). The tomb of Demosthenes, who poisoned himself at the sanctuary in 332 B.C., was still preserved in the time of Pausanias (2.33.3).
D. Schilardi, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites,
Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Nov 2002 from
Perseus Project URL below, which contains 12 image(s), bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.
The modern Poro; a small island in the Saronic Gulf off the coast of Argolis and opposite Troezen, possessing a celebrated Temple of Poseidon, which was regarded as an inviolable asylum. Hither Demosthenes fled to escape Antipater, and here he took poison, B.C. 322. His tomb was one of the sights of the island.
This text is cited Oct 2002 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
Now Poros; an island off the coast of Troezen, in Argolis, and between it and the island of Calauria.
Troezen is sacred to Poseidon, after whom it was once called Poseidonia. It is situated fifteen stadia above the sea, and it too is an important city. Off its harbor, Pogon by name, lies Calauria, an isle with a circuit of about one hundred and thirty stadia. Here was an asylum sacred to Poseidon; and they say that this god made an exchange with Leto, giving her Delos for Calauria, and also with Apollo, giving him Pytho for Taenarum. And Ephorus goes on to tell the oracle: "For thee it is the same thing to possess Delos or Calauria, most holy Pytho or windy Taenarum." And there was also a kind of Amphictyonic League connected with this temple, a league of seven cities which shared in the sacrifice; they were Hermion, Epidaurus, Aegina, Athens, Prasieis, Nauplieis, and Orchomenus Minyeius; however, the Argives paid dues for the Nauplians, and the Lacedaemonians for the Prasians. The worship of this god was so prevalent among the Greeks that even the Macedonians, whose power already extended as far as the temple, in a way preserved its inviolability, and were afraid to drag away the suppliants who fled for refuge to Calauria; indeed Archias, with soldiers, did not venture to do violence even to Demosthenes, although he had been ordered by Antipater to bring him alive, both him and all the other orators he could find that were under similar charges, but tried to persuade him; he could not persuade him, however, and Demosthenes forestalled him by suiciding with poison. Now Troezen and Pittheus, the sons of Pelops, came originally from Pisatis; and the former left behind him the city which was named after him, and the latter succeeded him and reigned as king. But Anthes, who previously had possession of the place, set sail and founded Halicarnassus; but concerning this I shall speak in my description of Caria and Troy.
This extract is from: The Geography of Strabo (ed. H. L. Jones, 1924), Cambridge. Harvard University Press. Cited Oct 2003 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains comments & interesting hyperlinks.
STRATOS (Ancient city) ETOLOAKARNANIA
THERMOPYLES (Historic place) LAMIA
League of ancient states: Thessalians, Locrians, Phocians, Boeotians, Athenians, Dorians, Malians, Dolopians, Enianes, Perrhaebias, Magnetes, and Macedonians. The league supporting the god Apollo estabilished a conduct for war among members. The council had two annual meetings, the spring in Delphi and the autumn in Thermopyles.
THORIKOS (Ancient city) ATTICA, EAST
Situated on the E coast about 10 km N of Sounion, it was one of
the 12 independent cities of this area said to have been unified by Theseus
under Athenian hegemony (Strab. 9.1.20). In the later years of the Peloponnesian
War it was fortified (Xen. Hell. 1.2.1) in order to protect the sea route to
Athens and to help protect the silver mines at Laurion. Under the Romans it
fell into decay, but its earliest habitation remains, dating from the Neolithic
period, and numerous tomb groups indicate that it had a long and continuous
history up to this time.
The site consists of three areas: the plain of Thorikos where the
Society of the Dilettanti in 1812 uncovered part of an ancient building, now
no longer visible, the hill of Velatouri where the majority of ancient remains
have been found, and the peninsula of Haghios Nikalaos, now the site of a modern
chemical plant.
The ancient theater, located on the S slope of Velatouri and excavated
in 1886, is notable for the irregular shape of its orchestra. It was originally
thought that the roughly rectangular orchestra reflected the early date of the
theater. Further study, however, suggests that the theater was primarily constructed
in the 5th c. B.C., and that its irregular orchestra reflects the gradual enlargement
of the theater's seating capacity. It would appear that the original stone seats,
made of local bluish stone, consisted of 19 straight rows. These were later
expanded by the addition of curved sections to E and W, and still later in the
4th c. a curved section of 12 new rows was added to the N. Scanty remains of
a temple can be seen to the W of the orchestra; an altar lies to the E. Along
the S side lies a terrace wall built to support the orchestra; this wall appears
to be the oldest surviving architectural feature of the theater.
On the hill above the theater, excavations have uncovered remains
of the city's industrial quarter. Here traces of houses, stairs, and roads can
be seen. A series of basins connected by channels formed part of a metal-working
establishment. Nearby a Mycenaean tholos tomb, graves from various periods,
and parts of a prehistoric settlement, including a Mycenaean metal-working establishment,
have been uncovered.
Fortifications consisting of over 600 m of walls can be traced
on the peninsula; at least six towers, four stairways, and seven gateways were
included in this fortification system.
I. M. Shear, ed.
This text is from: The Princeton encyclopedia of classical sites,
Princeton University Press 1976. Cited Sep 2002 from
Perseus Project URL below, which contains 33 image(s), bibliography & interesting hyperlinks.
Thorikos: Eth, Thorikios: Theriko. A town of Attica on the SE. coast,
and about 7 or 8 miles N. of the promontory of Sunium, was originally one of the
twelve cities into which Attica is said to have been divided before the time of
Theseus, and was afterwards a demus belonging to the tribe Acamantis. (Strab.
ix. p. 397.) It continued to be a place of importance during the flourishing period
of Athenian history, as its existing remains prove, and was hence fortified by
the Athenians in the 24th year of the Peloponnesian War. (Xen. Hell. i. 2. 1)
It was distant 60 stadia from Anaphlystus upon the western coast. (Xen. de Vect.
4 § 43.) Thoricus is celebrated in mythology as the residence of Cephalus, whom
Eos or Aurora carried off to dwell with the gods. (Apollod. ii. 4. § 7; Eurip.
Hippol. 455.) It has been conjectured by Wordsworth, with much probability, that
the idea of Thoricus was associated in the Athenian mind with such a translation
to the gods, and that the Thlorician stone (Thorikios petros) mentioned by Sophocles
(Oed. Col. 1595), respecting which there has been so much doubt, probably has
reference to such a miglration, as the poet is describing a similar translation
of Oedipus.
The fortifications of Thoricus surrounded a small plain, which terminates
in the harbour of the city, now called Porto Mandri. The ruins of the walls may
be traced following the crest of the hills on the northern and southern sides
of the plain, and crossing it on the west. The acropolis seems to have stood upon
a height rising above the sheltered creek of Frasngo Limiona, which is separated
only by a cape from Porto Mandri. Below this height, on the northern side, are
the ruins of a theatre, of a singular form, being an irregular curve, with one
of the sides longer than the other. In the plain, to the westward, are the remains
of a quadrangular colonnade, with Doric columns.
This text is from: Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854) (ed. William Smith, LLD). Cited June 2004 from The Perseus Project URL below, which contains interesting hyperlinks
AETORACHES (Mountaintop) IOANNINA
29/11/1912
ALIARTOS (Ancient city) VIOTIA
For having attacked the walls of Haliartus, in which were troops from Thebes and Athens, Lysander fell in the fighting that followed a sortie of the enemy (Paus. 9,32,5).
Battle of Haliartus
AMVRAKIA (Ancient city) EPIRUS
Molossians defeated by Ambraciots.
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